Friday, October 12, 2007

Election 2007: An interview with Green candidate Simon Kean-Hammerson

This is the second in a series of interviews with the declared candidates for the local seat of Lilley in the forthcoming 2007 Australian federal election. With the apparent demise of the Australian Democrats, the Greens have emerged as the third force in Australian politics. Polling roughly 5 to 10 percent in elections, they are unlikely to win any seats in the lower house, but will be hoping to add to their four Senate seats. Two of their senators, Bob Brown (Tasmania) and Kerry Nettles (NSW) are up for re-election this time round. In 2004, Greens candidate Sue Meehan took 5.6 percent of the lower house vote in Lilley. Their 2007 candidate is Simon Kean-Hammerson and Woolly Days met him earlier this week.

Simon Kean-Hammerson was born in Kenya and came to Australia in 1975. He has worked in a wide variety of occupations including stockman, street counsellor, small business owner and IT contractor. He began the interview by describing his background. “Dad was a farmer and the first man in Africa to take merino sheep back from Australia and New Zealand,” he said. “Africa makes you feel alive. Growing up in Kenya was an adventure every day, you saw lions and giraffes and I learned to speak Swahili and Luo.” His mother moved to country Victoria when Simon was nine. He grew up in Myrtleford and Mansfield and moved to Sydney where aged 17 he helped out in an AIDS halfway house and worked as a street counsellor for St Johns Ambulance. He also spent 9 months working with long-term prisoners in one of Sydney’s toughest jails where he said “his idealism was laughed at.” After an incident where he was threatened at knife-point by one of the state’s ten most wanted men, he decided he had enough and went back to the family farm.

Aged 22, Kean-Hammerson was diagnosed with dyslexia. He had to effectively re-learn to read and write. He freely admits that reading is still a difficulty but it has not stopped him from leading a full life. He said his wife was a great help as were the people he worked with. “In my professional life, I have a synergy with my staff, and I’ve always found people are happy to help me”. He moved to Queensland in 1988. He lived in Yeppoon where he “shovelled sheep manure under shearing sheds.” He moved to Brisbane in the early 1990s. “Brisbane was a lovely cosmopolitan town with great potential for business” he said. “You walked down a street and someone would smile at you. I didn’t see that down south”.

Woolly Days then asked him why he wanted to run for parliament. “I woke one day listening to the radio news about Bush, Howard, Blair and Rudd all talking about the same thing,” he said. “But there was either nothing being done about the environment or what they were doing wasn’t enough.” He said he had a rain tank, solar panels and used water wisely but wondered what else he could do. “I looked at the policies of all the parties,” he said. “What I found out was that the Greens had the same core values as I had on peace, social justice, ecological sustainability and drug policies.” He said the Greens were now a mainstream party. “I’m not a protester, I run a business,” he said. “I use my head, not my brawn. I care.”

Woolly Days asked Simon why the people of Lilley should vote for him. He began by saying he represented the Greens and not himself. “We’ve got the best environmental, health and social justice policies,” he said “If there is no environment, there is no economy. You’re starting to see that with the farmers”. He said he was in politics for the long term: “This is a six year plan for me.” Woolly Days then asked what themes were emerging from his discussions with the electorate. He said that some people had told him that “you politicians were all the same”. Beyond that, people were worried about housing, water, environment, health, education and the lack of public transport. He and pointed to the example of North Lakes where the problems of bored teenagers and youth violence were attributable to the lack of good public transport.

Kean-Hammerson saw the three biggest issues at this election were the environment, health and education. He said water was the biggest immediate challenge in the environment. This was not just a Queensland problem. He said Ballarat in Victoria has a crisis and will run out of water in the middle of Summer. Health was the second issue he rated and he said that doctor training needs to be improved. As for education, he said that learning in early childhood was a critical component of life long learning. “Strong funding for education would benefit us and our children,” he said.

Woolly Days then asked him how the Greens could break through the media framing of issues in the terms of the two major parties. Simon began by saying that Australia has always had a choice beyond the two major parties. “The Democrats have held the balance of power in the Senate and now the Greens are having their day,” he said. “People are taking us more seriously and the media are giving us more time on the air.” Kean-Hammerson then denied the Greens were against development. “We are not an anti-development party, we are anti-unsustainable development,” he said. He said he was against building more roads. What was needed was more public transport “in and out and across the city”. He said developers are only looking at how to move cars not people.

He believed that Larissa Waters “had a great chance” of winning a Queensland Senate sear for the Greens. He continued: “we need to have the conscience back in the Senate. Good debate is good for the country”. Simon Kean-Hammerson finished the interview by bringing up two additional points. He decried the planned move of the paediatrician ward from the Prince Charles hospital to the state funded but privately owned Mater hospital. He also condemned the growing development at Brisbane airport including the proposed new parallel runway. He said the people of Lilley had no say on this development on federal land and it would lead to noise pollution, devalued homes in the area and the destruction of the sensitive habitat of Moreton Bay mangroves.

Thursday, October 11, 2007

Musharraf warns Bhutto to wait

President Pervez Musharraf told Pakistani TV yesterday that former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto should not return home until after a court ruling on the legality of his overwhelming re-election victory last week. Pakistan’s Supreme Court will consider opposition challenges to Musharraf's eligibility in last Saturday’s election. The two are currently plotting an end to Bhutto’s exile and a power sharing arrangement next year. However Musharraf would not elaborate why he thought Bhutto should wait till after the decision.

The court reconvenes on 17 October and Bhutto, 54, is due to return from her eight year exile on the following day. Her Pakistan People's Party has requested a bullet-proof vehicle and extra police protection on her arrival. Their request follows a threat by a Waziri pro-Taliban militant leader, Baitullah Mehsud, to kill Bhutto in a suicide attack. Bhutto told a newspaper interview on the weekend she accepts her homecoming is fraught with danger. "I know there are security risks, people who want to kill me and to scuttle the restoration of democracy,” she said. "But with my faith in God and trust in the people of Pakistan, I'm sure the party workers will be there and will protect me."

Two time premier Bhutto hopes to lead her party to victory in the next parliamentary election. Pakistan is scheduled to hold a parliamentary poll in early January 2008. Musharraf and Bhutto have already begun negotiating a power sharing arrangement post election. The pair have similar views and are both, in the main, pro-American and anti-Taliban. The deal would see the vulnerable Musharraf cling to presidential power while Bhutto would become Prime Minister.

Bhutto has now requested the Sindh High Court to review her claim to a National Assembly seat reserved for women. Her previous application for the seat was disqualified in 2002 after the government launched a corruption case against her. But last week Musharraf took a major step in the pre-election horse-trading by issuing a “reconciliation ordnance”. This was shorthand for an amnesty on corruption and grants across-the-board immunity for politicians who were active between 1985 and 2007. The ordnance quashes the corruption case against Bhutto.

The move has presented a quandary for Swiss authorities who also have charges of money laundering against Benazir Bhutto and her husband, now based in Dubai. The Swiss accuse the couple of gaining multi-million dollar kickbacks in exchange for handing out a contract to a Swiss firm during Bhutto's second term as Prime Minister in the mid 1990s. The Bhuttos were found guilty in a Geneva court in 2003 but have appealed. Dominique Henchoz, the Pakistani government’s lawyer in Switzerland said he was unsure if the legal action would be stopped. "We'll have to wait to examine the exact wording used in the decree," he said. "Because surely to speak of an amnesty implies that there has been an act of corruption.”

But whatever the outcome in Switzerland, bigger problems may lie ahead at home. Another former Prime Minister, Nawaz Sharif, is also returning from exile in the next six weeks. Sharif’s son said his father would return to Pakistan sometime between 15 and 30 November – well ahead of the parliamentary elections. Sharif is a two time Prime Minister from the 1990s and long-term opponent of Bhutto. In 1999 Musharraf deposed Sharif in a military coup after Sharif had tried to sack Musharraf as army chief.

Sharif was arrested and sentenced to life imprisonment. His sentence was later commuted to exile in Saudi Arabia after Saudi King Abdullah gave personal assurances to guarantee his conduct. Saudi authorities have now tried to dissuade him from returning to Pakistan but Sharif says he is going anyway. Sharif has been heartened by a recent Pakistani Supreme Court decision that he had an “inalienable right" to come back and the Government would be in contempt of court if it tried to stop him. Sharif will be the wildcard in the poker game to come between Musharraf and Bhutto.

Wednesday, October 10, 2007

Election 2007: An interview with Wayne Swan

Yesterday, Woolly Days conducted a phone interview with the Shadow Treasurer and Labor member for Lilley, Wayne Swan. It is the first in series of interviews with each of the declared candidates in the local electorate for the upcoming federal election. Wayne Swan was educated at the University of Queensland where he graduated with honours in economics. Prior to entering politics, he was Secretary of the Queensland ALP during the state government tenure of Wayne Goss. Swan was first elected to federal parliament in 1993. He lost the seat of Lilley in the landslide election of 1996 that brought John Howard to power. But he regained it in 1998 and has held it ever since.

Swan was promoted to the Shadow ministry after winning back the seat and was appointed Manager of Opposition business in the lower House in 2001. He has also served as Shadow Minister for Family and Community Services. He was appointed Shadow Treasurer in 2004 and has held this high-profile post since. Last month, Opposition leader Kevin Rudd publicly stated that Swan would be federal treasurer if Labor wins government.

Lilley covers much of the inner Northern suburbs of Brisbane including Brisbane airport, Wooloowin, Clayfield, Kedron, Hamilton, Ascot, Nundah, Boondall, Zillmere, Brighton, Sandgate and parts of Aspley. The seat was created in 1913 and named after Charles Lilley, a former Premier and Chief Justice of Queensland. Swan defends a 5.4 per cent margin in Lilley which makes it notionally a Labor marginal seat. However with the polls running hot for Labor and a recent small distribution that also favours them, it would be a major shock if Swan was not re-elected. ABC psephologist Antony Green’s assessment is that Swan will retain his seat.

Woolly Days began the interview with Wayne Swan by asking him to describe his life outside politics. Swan said he liked to relax and spend time with his friends and family when he could. “I have three children, two girls and a boy, the eldest is 23 and the youngest is 13,” he said. “My eldest Erinn is in a band called Nina May which is doing very well at the moment”. Swan said he enjoyed the simple things such as a take-away curry from nearby Albion, or a meal at the local RSL club. “I like to go for a surf when I can” he added.

Then Swan described his professional approach. “Politically I’ve got a common sense approach: I work hard, am disciplined and I like to get results,” he said. “The reason I’m in politics is that I want to make a difference to my local community and my country.” Woolly Days asked him how he differentiates himself from the other candidates in the electorate and why the people of Lilley should vote for him. Swan began by saying he has lived in the electorate in for 26 years. “I think I understand the area well, I’ve spent a lot of time working here and getting extensive knowledge of the community and the areas of it,” he said. “A federal electorate is a large area and it takes time to get to know it”.

Woolly Days asked him what concerns were emerging from his discussions with voters in the electorate. Swan said the needs of the people of Lilley are same as those nationally. “People want a good start in life, a commitment to education, and someone to address the lack of urgency about the federal government’s commitment to climate change. We have a commitment to reducing carbon emissions, people want to see an end to the unfairness of work choices, and are sick of the government’s inaction on infrastructure,” he said. “We have seen problems on the Gateway Motorway with traffic spewing out onto suburban roads. That’s why we’ve made a major commitment to fixing it up with a recent announcement to build a link between two of Brisbane's major motorways”.

Swan said that local people want a good quality of life “and that’s why I’ve been a long-term supporter of the Boondall Wetlands and making sure they haven’t been taking over by property developers”. Swan said he works with local and environmental groups, climate change groups, the RSL and other service groups to get good outcomes for the community. The next question to Swan was: what he saw as the three single most important issues nationally for this election and why? Swan nominated the trio of education, climate change and industrial relations. He said what he meant by education was creating the conditions for the prosperity of the children of the future. It meant keeping up with China and India and giving people the opportunity to get ahead.

On climate change Swan cited the creation of the economic and social framework for the carbon reductions Australia needs. He reiterated Labor’s commitment to ratify Kyoto and then look beyond that. He said the post 2012 framework will be decided in Bali this December and Labor is committed to supporting the process. On industrial relations Swan said Labor is committed to replacing workchoices with “a fair and balanced set of industrial policies”.

Woolly Days asked if he thought the council amalgamation debate would impact on Labor's chances of picking up extra seats in Queensland. Swan flatly denied it would have any impact and said Federal Labor is opposed to compulsory council amalgamations. The next question was “If Labor does win, how will you manage the interests of your local constituency given Kevin Rudd's stated position you will be Treasurer?” Swan responded by saying his job as shadow treasurer has already a large and public profile “but it doesn’t stop me from being attentive to the needs of my electorate”. He continued: “My community involvement would not be affected in whatever role I might end up with after the election nor is my commitment to my local area. If anything, I would have a stronger voice to act for my locality in Treasury.”

Woolly Days then asked what opportunities he thought Peter Costello has missed in his management of the Treasury portfolio over the last 11 years and how would he do things differently? Swan said Costello had “squandered the opportunities of the mining boom and the strongest global economy in 30 years and has missed the chance to secure Australia’s long-term prosperity”. He said Costello had also presided over “dangerous climate change of the worst order”. He said Costello had also missed opportunities in education. “We are investing less in education and training; in fact Peter Costello is going in the other direction.”

Swan refused to be drawn on how a lower house Labor government would deal with a potentially hostile Senate. He said Labour would stand by its policies and not negotiate in advance with any of the minor parties. Woolly Days also asked whether he had noticed trends or biases in the media's pre-election coverage. Swan said that bias was not a factor. “There are things we agree with the media on and things we disagree with them on but it all balances out in the end,” he said. But he did take exception to the government’s use of the media. “What annoys me is the outrageous waste of taxpayers’ money on government advertising,” he said. “What is needed is an alternative framework.” He said that if elected Labor will have the auditor-general examine these ads and define what is legitimate and what is illegitimate use. “Advertising for recruitment to the defence forces is legitimate,” he said. “But this governments's work choices ads and climate change ads are simply free campaign ads for the Liberals”. Swan parting message was a contrast between Labor and the government. “We have a program for the future based on social cohesion,” he said, “while the government is stuck in the past”.

Tuesday, October 09, 2007

Iraq condemns Blackwater attack

The Iraqi government has demanded the US end all contracts in Iraq with Blackwater USA within six months. They have also demanded $8 million in compensation to families of those killed in a massacre caused by Blackwater guards last month. The report was published by the Iraqi defence ministry in response to the Baghdad incident in which 17 people died. (photo credit: ABC News)

An Iraqi government spokesman said Blackwater’s claim that a US diplomatic convoy it was guarding was bombed and ambushed was not supported by the findings. Iraq says the convoy did not sustain attack and is now calling on the US to hand over the employees to face trial. “Employees of the company violated the rules governing use of force by security companies,” said the report. “They have committed a crime and should be punished under the law.”

The deaths took place on 16 September on a typically hot day in Baghdad. That day Blackwater were guarding USAID specialist Kerry Pelzman who had an appointment for a planning session on rebuilding Iraqi services at a meeting place several kms from the Green Zone. While the meeting was in progress, a bomb exploded nearby. Blackwater guards immediately bundled Pelzman back into their convoy of three bullet-proof GMC Suburbans and raced back towards the Green Zone. The front and rear cars of the convoy were protected by gun trucks, known as Mambas, each mounted with two 7.62 mm machine guns.

As the convoy approached Nisoor Square traffic circle at the edge of the Green Zone, the convoy radioed for backup because of the risk the explosion might be a diversion for a kidnapping operation. Four additional Mambas arrived at the circle to stand watch for the convoy. There is no fully mutually agreed story on what happened next. As the final car in Pelzman’s convoy passed the circle, the gunner opened fire on an approaching car driven by Ahmed Haithem Ahmed, a 20-year-old third-year medical student. Ahmed was driving his mother to pick his father up from a nearby hospital. A Blackwater bullet struck Ahmed in the head and he died instantly. But with Ahmed’s weight on the accelerator, the car continued to roll forwards towards the convoy. Blackwater continued to fire at the car until it exploded, killing Ahmed’s mother in the passenger seat.

Blackwater personnel then sprayed the traffic circle with heavy machine gun fire hitting several other cars. Blackwater claim they were fired upon, Iraqi witnesses say they fired without provocation. As the gunfire continued, one of the Blackwater guards began screaming: “No! No! No!” and struggled with his colleagues to stop the shooting, according to an Iraqi lawyer. The lawyer got stuck in traffic and was shot in the back as he tried to flee. He was one of 24 wounded. At the time it was believed that 11 Iraqis died but the toll has been revised to 17. Many cars were were hit pointing away from the square. Afterwards, Blackwater released a terse statement saying that its guards were fired upon and responded appropriately.

The Blackwater company was founded in 1997 by former US Navy SEAL commando Erik Prince. According to their own blurb, Blackwater are a “professional military, law enforcement, security, peacekeeping, and stability operations firm who provides turnkey solutions”. Prince comes from a well credentialed Republican family. His father, Edgar Prince, built Prince Corp., an auto parts and machinery manufacturer, into the largest employer in Holland, Michigan. The son landed an internship in the early 1990s in the White House under then-President George Bush snr.

After his father died in 1995, Erik sold the business and invested the profits in Blackwater. He won his first major contract in 2000 after the USS Cole bombing when the Navy looked for someone to train sailors to identify and respond to terrorist threats. 9/11 was Prince’s breakthrough. His company’s profits soared from $200,000 in federal contracts in 2000 to nearly $600 million last year. Erik Prince now has a thousand security guards in Iraq in mostly no-bid contracts. In the wake of the 22 September shooting, he was called to give evidence to a long running congressional inquiry into the running of private security firms in Iraq. Prince told the inquiry he didn’t like the term mercenaries to describe his operation. “We are Americans,” he said, “working for Americans.”

Prior to the Nisoor Square massacre, the highest profile Blackwater incident occurred 24 December last year. Iraqi Raheem Khalif Hulaichi was on guard duty that night at Vice-President Adel Abdul Mehdi's compound inside Baghdad's fortified green zone when he was shot by a Blackwater guard. Witnesses to the incident told US investigators the guard who shot Hulaichi was visibly drunk and smelled of alcohol. The guard insisted he shot in self-defence. The dead man’s wife said she had not received any money because the Iraqi government felt the sum offered by Blackwater was too low. She said she also believed the Blackwater guard who shot her husband had been detained in Baghdad to face trial. Instead he was flown home by US officials and never charged with a crime.

Monday, October 08, 2007

Mo Ibrahim releases African governance ranking

Somalia has been ranked as the worst governed nation in 48 countries of sub-Saharan Africa ahead of Congo and Chad in a survey of political performance, released this week. The study by the British-based Mo Ibrahim Foundation showed that Mauritius was the best governed in the continent and many of its fellow island nations filled the top places. Recovering from its 1994 genocide, Rwanda has made the greatest recent improvements. The index ranked the countries on five factors: safety and security; rule of law, transparency and corruption; participation and human rights; sustainable economic opportunity; and human development.

The man who gave his name to the ranking is Mo Ibrahim; a London businessman, born in Sudan. Ibrahim made his millions in telecommunications and he owns the fastest-growing mobile phone group in sub-Saharan African. The 61 year old Ibrahim began his stellar career by having a brainwave in a taxi cab in 1965. Because he couldn’t figure out how a signal reached the cab radio, he spent several degrees trying to find the answer. He then graduated from British Telecom to his own consultancy firm. Africa remains his passion. He established the foundation in his own name to stimulate debate on governance, provide criteria to judge it, and recognise achievement to those that made it.

As well as the index, later this month (22 October) Ibrahim will announce the first winner of a prize for achievement in African leadership. The prize will land one former head of state or government leader $5 million over 10 years and a further $200,000 a year annually. A further $200,000 will be made available for good causes chosen by the winner. It far exceeds the $1.5 million dollars given to recipients of a Nobel Prize and will be chosen by a committee of Kofi Annan (former UN gen-sec) , Martti Ahtisaari (former Finnish President), Aïcha Bah Diallo (former Guinean politician and UN advisor), Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala (Nigerian politician), Mary Robinson (ex UN High Commissioner for Human Rights) and Salim Ahmed Salim, (ex PM of Tanzania).

In the meantime, Ibrahim’s comprehensive publication of a ranking of governance quality in sub-Saharan Africa will cause much debate within the community about its accuracy. The top ten ranked in order (pdf) are Mauritius, the Seychelles, Botswana, Cape Verde, South Africa, Gabon, Namibia, Ghana, Senegal, and São Tomé and Príncipe. Four of these are island nations including the top two, as well as Cape Verde, and São Tomé and Príncipe. Of surprising interest perhaps is that Zimbabwe was ranked 31st, still ahead of 16 other countries.

The terms of the study were developed under the direction of the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard with the help of African academics. The 48 nation states were assessed against a comprehensive new index of governance indicators measured against clear, objective outcomes. Ibrahim himself believes they are improving the quality of governance in Africa and offering a model for the rest of the world. "(The) Index is a tool to hold governments to account and frame the debate about how we are governed,” he said. “Africans are setting benchmarks not only for their own continent, but for the world."

Mauritius is judged the best overall with a combined score of 86.2, scoring best on safety and security (91.7), 90 on human development, 88.7 on participation on human rights; 85.2 on rule of law, transparency and corruption, and 75.5 on sustainable economic opportunity. The result follows an International Finance Corp report last month for the World Bank that judged the island the easiest African nation to do business with.

Despite the success in the islands along the fringes, doing business in much of continental Africa remains fraught due to bureaucracy, a fragile investment climate and inadequate infrastructure. The bottom five on Ibrahim’s report were Guinea-Bissau (42.7), Sudan (40.0), Chad (38.8), the Democratic Republic of Congo (38.6) and government-free Somalia was rock bottom with just 28.1. The entire Horn of Africa emerged as the most crisis ridden part of the continent with neighbours Eritrea and Ethiopia both scoring badly.


The Mo Ibrahim Foundation was launched in 2004, has the backing of Nelson Mandela, Kofi Annan, Bill Clinton and Tony Blair, among others. Director of the foundation and Kennedy School Professor Robert Rotberg, lauded a trend that saw African businessmen take on the challenges and try to do something about governance. "Good governance is responsible for bringing peace, stability and prosperity,” he said. “Bad governance is responsible for conflict and poverty."

Sunday, October 07, 2007

The House of Packer

Publicity-shy media magnate James Packer celebrated his 40th birthday last month in private with his new wife ex-model Erica Baxter. Packer inherited the fortune of his father Kerry who died in December 2005 and is the head of the privately run Publishing and Broadcasting Limited (PBL) which has interests in Australia’s Channel Nine, Australian Consolidated Press, Sky News, Ticketek, and Crown Casino. Reputedly worth about $5 billion, Packer has divested much of his family’s long-standing interest in Channel Nine by selling half of the media business to British private equity company CVC.

That move reversed 80 years of dabbling in Australian media by the Packer family. The early path of the family is authoritatively traced in Bridget Griffen-Foley’s “The House of Packer: The Making of a Media Empire”. The Packer family came from Reading in Berkshire, UK. Frederick Packer migrated to Hobart in 1852 where he became organist at St David’s Anglican Cathedral. His youngest son Robert Clyde (known as RC) was born in 1879. In 1900, RC Packer joined the Tasmanian news as a cadet journalist. After two years he was drawn to the mainland where he joined the Dubbo Liberal and later went further north to the Townsville Daily Bulletin.

Finally he got a job in Sydney with the Sunday Times where he worked his way up to editor before joining the Sunday Sun. He formed a partnership with Sydney mayor James Joynton Smith and journalist Claude McKay to found the successful “Smith’s Weekly”. With the money they made, they launched the Daily Guardian in 1923 where RC’s eldest son Douglas Frank Hewson Packer (known as Frank) got his first job in the industry. Frank Packer slowly made his way up his father's organisation working in various facets of the business. His business acumen was recognised early and he was appointed advertising director in 1924.

In 1924 RC brought journalist George Warnecke back from London. Packer made him chief sub-editor of the Guardian and the two men struck up a strong bond based on similar ideas about journalism. Importantly, both had aspirations of ownership. They struck up a partnership with a third man Edward Granville “Red Ted” Theodore. A former miner, Red Ted was involved in union politics before winning a seat for Labor in the Queensland state parliament in 1909. He worked his way up to state premier in 1919. He resigned in 1925 and entered federal politics in the NSW seat of Herbert.

Theodore was looking for a newspaper sympathetic to his interests. In 1930 Hugh Denison bought out the Guardian group and the Packers acquired a significant shareholding in the new entity. RC Packer was appointed managing editor of the new group, called Associated Newspapers. Through Warnecke’s friendship with Theodore, they negotiated to take over the Australian Workers' Union's daily, the World. Instead of publishing it, they closed it down and began a new venture in a radically different direction: Australia’s first women’s newspaper.

Theodore immediate hit it off with RC’s son Frank. Theodore became a father figure to Frank Packer and saw something of his own dynamism in the younger man. Theodore was now an influential figure at the Guardian (renamed in 1931 to the Daily Telegraph). In 1933 Theodore, Frank Packer, and Warnecke began developing a proposal for a new publication called Australian Women’s Weekly. Warnecke had knowledge of English women’s magazines and all three men believed the women’s market was under-serviced in Australia.

Printed on newsprint in a newspaper format, the magazine cost twopence (a penny less than its competitors) and touted itself as “the biggest value in the world.” Packer hired high-profile contributors to the magazine including socialite Jessie Tait as fashion editor, novelist Louise Mack as social diarist and several other celebrities. It was an instant success and the first issue sold out a massive 120,000 copies, twice as big as they told advertisers. Packer, Warnecke and Theodore founded Australian Consolidated Press (ACP) and the Weekly was its crown jewel.

RC Packer died a year later and Frank Packer took his place on the board and inherited his father’s share portfolio. That same year he married Sydney socialite Gretel Joyce Bullmore who gave birth to their two sons within three years, Robert Clyde (known as Clyde) and Kerry Francis Bullmore. Packer’s wealth grew on the back of the phenomenal success of Australian Women’s Weekly. He now set about reviving the dormant Daily Telegraph.

In 1936 it was relaunched as a bright sassy broadsheet newspaper selling for 1 ½ d. It unashamedly had news of the growing film industry and a full six pages of sport. Its lively style would prove to be a major challenge to its rival, Fairfax paper Sydney Morning Herald. Fairfax general manager Rupert Henderson was forced to increase advertising rates, acquire a new plant and discontinued the evening edition in the face of the new challenge by Packer's upstart newspaper.

The Telegraph became a leading advocate of progress and modernity. It called for the introduction of outdoor cafes and beer gardens, more theatre, a lifting of censorship and an end to the six o’clock swill. It serialised HG Wells “Things to Come” and heralded the beginning of flights from London to Sydney. Under editor Sid Deamer the paper’s political stance was mild and did not follow a party line. Its sales rose from 110,000 in 1935 to 186,000 three years later.

In the World War II years, it campaigned for a national government and reacted strongly against government war censorship. Despite the shortage of newsprint, they launched the Sunday Telegraph in 1939. Australia had one of the worst reputations of allied countries for the stringency of wartime press restrictions and much of the war years were spent in a constant battle with the Department of Information. In 1944, the Telegraph was so frustrated with the censors that they printed articles with blank spaces. By doing this they had breached National Security Regulations and the police were ordered to stop distribution of these editions.

Frank Packer began to put his political stamp over his publications after the war. He had the Weekly denounce a 1949 miner’s strike as “a national disaster” and the Telegraph claimed that Australians would think hard before they would “give the socialists the power to create a socialistic State”. That year Menzies was elected and the Liberals would stay in power for the next 23 years. The Telegraph was in favour of Menzies' plan to outlaw the Communist Party saying it was a menace which “would not yield to any namby-pamby treatment”.

Packer then began preparing for the advent of television. In 1954 a parliamentary report recommended that ABC should run the national system and at least two commercial licences should be established in Sydney and Melbourne. Packer applied for a Sydney licence. He appeared before the committee to say television was ‘going to be a very important factor in building up the character of the nation’. They won one licence for Channel Nine and a Fairfax-Macquarie consortium won the other, Channel Seven. Packer constructed his TCN-9 headquarters at Willoughby and used his newspapers to launch an advertising frenzy for the new medium.

Station manager Bruce Gyngell (father of Nine’s current boss David) spoke the first words on Australian TV - "Good evening and welcome to television". Packer went on to acquire GTV-9 in Melbourne in 1960 for $3.8 million, giving Australia its first TV network - the Nine Network. Packer had little respect for the nature of the new medium. In the early days he twice had his Sydney staff interrupt normal programming so he could show the finish of a Sydney horserace to his dinner party guests.

In 1958, ACP launched the Observer, a fortnightly newspaper of ideas. In 1960, Packer purchased one of Australia’s oldest publications - the Bulletin, founded in 1880 by JF Archibald and John Haynes. This larrikin weekly appealed to rural workers and was known for its strident xenophobia. But it had lost significant circulation by 1959. Packer appointed Donald Horne to edit the magazine and merged it with the Observer in 1961. Horne modernised the layout and removed ‘Australia for the White Man’ from its masthead.

It was assumed Packer’s eldest son Clyde would inherit the business. Younger son Kerry suffered from polio as a youth and performed poorly at school. He began his working life at the bottom of the corporate ladder unloading newsprint, cleaning machines, filling ink drums and stacking newspapers. He was viewed as lazy and a gambler and his father decreed he was to be shown no favouritism. Kerry later quipped that he was fired so many times he lost count.

In 1972 Packer allowed his sons to negotiate the sale of the Telegraphs to Rupert Murdoch.They sold "the plant and plantation" for $15 million. Packer would now rely on his TV interests. His intervention to insist that Mike Willesee’s interview with then trade union boss Bob Hawke should not go to air, caused his son Clyde to quit in protest. Clyde resigned all his positions with Consolidated Press and the mantle passed to younger son Kerry.

Frank Packer died of a massive heart attack in 1974 leaving an estate valued at $1.34 million. Kerry Packer took over the reins. In 1976 Clyde sold his interests to Kerry for $4 million. One year later Kerry Packer started world series cricket. It was the beginning of a new empire and one that led to new heights undreamed of by his father. James Packer has inherited the billions of Kerry not the millions of Frank.

Saturday, October 06, 2007

King Leopold’s Ghost still haunts Congo

DR Congo President Joseph Kabila sacked his transport minister yesterday just one day after a plane crash that killed over 50 people in the capital, Kinshasa. A presidential spokesman said Remy Henry Kuseyo was dismissed "due to his inability to reform the aviation sector". On Thursday an Antonov AN-26 owned by Congolese airline Africa One, crashed shortly after take-off and struck a market before ploughing into houses.

Although on board mechanic Dédé Ngamba astonishingly survived the accident by falling out of a hole in the plane into a puddle of mud, at least 51 people have died in Congo’s latest air accident. The Democratic Republic of Congo's air safety record is one of the world's worst and is symptomatic of the larger problems of country ranked second worst in Africa by an independent governance index released this week.

Congo’s issues are daunting. One of the largest countries in Africa, it was created out of nothing over 120 years ago by the greed and megalomania of one of Europe’s most remarkable and most infamous monarchs: King Leopold II of Belgium. Leopold was responsible for the death of ten million Congolese as he built his private empire. The story of Congo and Leopold are told in an excellent book called “King Leopold’s Ghost” by Adam Hochschild published in 1998 and released last year as a greatly condensed film under the same title.

The story starts with a different king: a black one. King Affonso I was ruler of Kongo in the 16th century. He was greatly influenced by the Portuguese traders that plied Affonso’s coastline. He was a moderniser who sought eclectic European ways such as the church, literature, medicine and trade skills. But he didn’t want European rule of law nor did he want mineral prospectors invading his lands. And he could not prevent the rising slave trade for the coffee plantations in Brazil and the Caribbean.

After Affonso died, the power of Kongo diminished. Other countries entered the lucrative slave market. The king of Kongo was beheaded after his armies were finally vanquished by the Portuguese in 1665. An era of European domination was about to begin. Yet for the next two hundred years, the inland would remain mostly off-limits to white eyes. The only route through the thick malarial jungle was by the mighty Congo River itself. But it was a fearsome adversary. Much of the river lies over three hundred metres high on the African plateau. It descends to sea level in just 350kms tumbling over 32 waterfalls.

The man who eventually crossed this natural barrier was born as John Rowlands in Denbigh, Wales in 1841. Rowlands was an orphan who grew up in the workhouse. He was a good scholar fascinated by geography. Aged 16, he sailed to New Orleans where he used his wits to quickly land on his feet and get a job. He also changed his name to Henry Morton Stanley.
Stanley reinvented his past to go with his name and passed himself off as a native-born American.

During the civil war, he signed up for the Confederates but was captured after two days in combat by Union soldiers at the Battle of Shiloh, Tennessee. To escape a disease-ridden POW life, Stanley enlisted with the Union Army and finally the Navy until he deserted in 1865. He finally found his metier as a journalist when he covered the Indian wars for a St Louis newspaper. His vivid reports caught the eye of James Gordon Bennett jr, the publisher of the New York Herald and the self described “Napoleon of the Newspaper”.

Bennett offered Stanley a job and sent him to cover the British war in Abyssinia. Stanley was resourceful and he bribed a Suez telegraph clerk to give priority to his reports. As a result Stanley scooped his rivals with news of the conflict. When he got back in London, Stanley thirsted for more success. Bennett in New York gave him a new brief: Find David Livingstone.

Livingstone was a Scottish missionary driven by anti-slavery zeal who wanderings took him across Africa for 30 years. He looked in vain for the source of the Nile, found Victoria Falls, preached the gospel and denounced slavery. In 1866 he went missing on a long expedition and he wasn’t heard from in almost three years. In 1869 Bennett ordered Stanley to mount an expedition to find him. It took Stanley two years to get a 150 man party together and then another eight months before he found his man near Lake Tanganyika. Stanley supposedly greeted him with the immortal four words: “Dr Livingstone I Presume?”

We have to take Stanley’s word on this, as David Livingstone died shortly afterwards in Africa. It was Stanley’s version of events that became history and Stanley himself became an American hero. His book “How I found Livingstone” was an international best seller and one man in Brussels eagerly read in every piece of news about Stanley’s African adventures. That man was 37 year old Leopold II, King of the Belgians.

His father, King Leopold I, died seven years earlier. Leopold the elder was a German prince, related to the British royal family. He was installed as king after Belgium gained its independence from Netherlands in 1830. Leopold II was a French speaker who never bothered to learn the Dutch spoken by the majority of his subjects who lived in Flanders. He was involved in a loveless arranged marriage with Archduchess Marie-Henriette an Austrian Empire Hapsburg.

In his youth Leopold had travelled to Europe, Egypt, India and the Dutch East Indies. His travels whetted his appetite and when Leopold finally took the throne in 1865 he was determined for Belgium to take its part in Europe’s growing colonial adventures. He was not put off by the fate of his younger sister Charlotte who was married off to Austrian archduke Maximilian. Maximilian was imposed as emperor of Mexico by Napoleon III of France. Charlotte became empress and changed her name to Carlotta. Mexicans weren’t impressed by Maximilian and Carlotta and rebelled against their new rulers. Maximilian was executed and Carlotta fled back to Belgium where she descended into madness.

Her brother was slowly cultivating a far more dangerous madness of his own. He was determined to have an African empire. He convened a conference in Brussels which gave rise to the innocuous sounding International African Association. At face value it was an international organisation dedicated to exploration of Africa and the exposure of the slave trade. In reality it was a front for Leopold’s grand ideas of Belgian expansion in Africa. It made enquiries and tried to buy an African colony but none were for sale. It would have to claim one of its own.

While Leopold vainly sought his kingdom, Stanley was also hunting for further African glory. In 1874 Bennett and the London Telegraph sponsored him to cross Africa east to west. His Anglo-American expedition set off from Zanzibar on Africa’s east coast. He arrived at Buma at the mouth of the Congo in 1877. He wrote another best seller “Through the Dark Continent” describing his travels. It also described the great arc traversed by the Congo River that took it on both sides of the equator. The arc exposed the river to a continuous rainy season that contributed to its voluminous water flow.

Leopold avidly followed Stanley’s journey across Africa. He was especially interested in his descriptions of the Congo which was rich in rubber and ivory On Stanley’s triumphant journey back to London, the king lured him to Brussels in 1878. Leopold signed Stanley onto a five year contract. Stanley would lead a Belgian expedition back to the Congo and navigate the river. They would construct a road to get past the fearsome rapids and establish trading posts inland.

For the next five years, Stanley was Leopold’s man in the Congo. After two years they had hauled all their boats and equipment up to the top of the plateau and sailed inland. Stanley was a hard taskmaster and treated Africans with contempt. When he arrived at the opening in the river that bears his name, Stanley Pool, he was shocked to find the French had beaten him there and signed a deal to take the lands north of the Pool. Count Pierre Savorgnan de Brazza had landed north of the river and made his way inland. That land became French Congo and is now the Republic of Congo with Savorgnan donating his name to its capital Brazzaville.

Stanley redoubled his efforts on the south bank of the Congo. He signed deals with 450 Congolese chiefs. Each “treaty” a chief signed gave away sovereignty of their lands to Leopold’s front organisation the International African Association and also committed their people to “assist by labour or otherwise” any “improvements” that the Association might suggest. When Stanley was finished bargaining in 1884, he had “a million of square miles” in the bag. All Leopold needed to do now was to convince Europe to recognise his claim.

Leopold pulled American strings in his pay to lobby President Chester Arthur to recognise the new country. Arthur was a reluctant president. He was vice President to James Garfield in 1880. Garfield was assassinated barely six months into office. Arthur was in poor health and ill prepared for the job now ahead of him. Arthur was flattered into recognising the International African Association’s ownership of Congo. The move was rubberstamped by the European powers in a congress in Berlin in 1884. Leopold sent Stanley as his representative and the explorer was the star attraction. Leopold got his way on the assumption that the Congo was to become a free trade zone.

Suddenly the Belgians woke up to the realisation they had an empire that was 76 times the size of Belgium itself. Leopold called himself the “King Sovereign” of the Congo and by royal decree he renamed his asset the Congo Free State in 1885. It was a private asset and one which Leopold controlled without reference to the Belgian parliament. All profits went to him alone.

Leopold sent Stanley back to Africa on another mission. The governor of Sudan’s southern most province, Emin Pasha,had asked Europe for help against the threat of a Muslim fundamentalist group known as the Mahdists. Despite his exotic title, Pasha was a German Jewish doctor born as Eduard Schnitzer and therefore a white hero in Africa. Stanley’s relief mission went through Leopold’s Congo through unexplored rain forest. By the time they reached Pasha, the crisis was over and Pasha was no longer eager for help.

Despite this failure, Leopold’s empire was slowly consolidating. He established military bases along the river and sent in a team of Belgians to administer his new kingdom and tap into the riches of the rubber trade. Its secret weapon was slavery and used no compunction to shoot villagers if they didn’t obey orders. By the 1890s, American historian George Washington Williams condemned Leopold’s colony as an “oppressive and cruel government” that was guilty of “crimes against humanity. But because Williams himself was black, his warnings were largely ignored in Europe and the US.

Leopold had declared that “all vacant land” in the Congo was to become crown property. He also ignored the free trade edict and had his administrators collect tariffs along the river. They conscripted porters to carry out the ivory to the ports. They were needed particularly to carry the loads past the treacherous rapids until the railway was built. Thousands of porters died of overwork as white overseers enforced discipline with the dreaded chicotte – a hippopotamus hide cut into a sharp-edged cork-screw whip.

Joseph Conrad visited the Congo in 1890 and sailed up river where he saw the horrors of white occupation first hand. Conrad, then a 32 year Polish seaman named Konrad Korzeniowski, initially believed in Leopold’s ennobling mission but was dismayed by his first hand experiences. He spent six months in the Congo and afterwards transformed it into his great book “Heart of Darkness”. It contained an unforgettable portrait of the deranged Kurtz who was based on several Belgian overseers and transformed into an American in Vietnam in Coppola’s Apocalypse Now.

Events in the Congo took a new turn in 1890 after John Boyd Dunlop invented the pneumatic tyre. It set off a craze for bicycles and the world quickly developed an insatiable appetite for rubber. Wild rubber vines were abundant in the equatorial rain forests of the Congo and Leopold was quick to take advantage of the new boom. He went into partnerships with rubber companies to extract the sap. These companies used slave labour to maximise their profits. They rounded up men, chained them together and enforced disciple with chicottes.

The rubber boom gave impetus to construction projects and Leopold worked to finish the railway up the rapids. When completed it added enormously to the state’s wealth and power. But the opening up of the country also exposed his empire to the disinfectant of truth and word was slowly emerging from missionaries of the price paid by locals for Leopold’s enormous wealth. The king was always quick to deny these claims. But one of those that noticed something was wrong, did so from thousands of miles away. His name was E.D. Morel and he was to become Leopold’s most formidable enemy.

Morel was a clerk in Antwerp for a British company Elder Dempster that traded in the Congo. He soon noticed that the only trade into the country was arms and all the material coming out was hardly ever paid for. He realised that only forced labour could account for this. Morel resigned his position and became a full time advocate in against the slave trade in the Congo. He set up his own newspaper the West African Mail to deal with the problem. In 1903, his cause was helped by Irish-born British diplomat Roger Casement.

Casement travelled to the Congo in his role as Consul to get a handle on the problem. He spoke to overseers, missionaries and natives and he documented his findings in report to parliament. His report showed that abuse, slavery and murder were commonplace. Belgium put pressure on an embarrassed British government to delay publication of the damaging report. Morel meanwhile kept the pressure up for Britain to act for Congo reform. The world’s press began to turn on Leopold and his own sexual indiscretions lost him popularity at home.

Through murder, starvation, disease and plummeting birth rate, Congo was the killing fields of the 1890s and early 1900s. Belgian soldiers launched many punitive expeditions against restless natives and massacres were commonplace. Thousands were held as hostages and died of starvation. Smallpox and sleeping sickness killed many more and as the men were forced into slavery the birth rate dropped considerably. Morel exposed all of these methods of killing.

Leopold launched a massive counter PR operation against the growing tide of evidence. He had a network of paid spies, politicians, businessmen and journalists working in his interests. But when his effort to bribe a US congressman was exposed by Hearst’s New York American newspaper, his rule began to crumble. Under pressure, Leopold launched an independent Committee of Inquiry which issued a damning 150 page report of the state of the colony.

Leopold was forced to seek “the Belgian solution”. He negotiated for the state to take the indebted and scandal ridden colony off his hands. Congo changed ownership in 1908 to the people of Belgium and was renamed “Belgian Congo”. African ownership was not considered. Leopold himself died a year later, unmourned and booed at his own funeral. He had never set foot in the colony he ruled so despotically for over two decades. Forced labour in the Congo continued under the Belgian administration. Belgium itself has tried to brush the whole episode of Leopold’s misdeeds under the carpet.

In 1960 Congo finally won its independence from Belgium. Patrice Lumumba, the country’s new leader, made radical and dangerous speeches that threatened western interests in the country. US President Eisenhower regarded him as a “mad dog” and CIA chief Allen Dulles authorised his assassination. They used Belgians in the Congolese army to support an anti-Lumumba faction and he was arrested, beaten and shot in 1961. The CIA installed Joseph Desire Mobutu who ruled Congo with an iron fist until the bloody revolution of 1997 that deposed him. Congo then survived eight years of wars and four million dead. Though now at precarious peace, King Leopold’s Ghost still haunts the land of Kongo.

Friday, October 05, 2007

Sputnik – 50 years on

Russia held celebrations yesterday at Star City to mark the 50th anniversary of the launch of the world’s first artificial satellite Sputnik 1. Scientists, engineers and cosmonauts gathered at the space training facility near Moscow to recall the launch of the small spiky module that began the world’s space race. Military officials also laid flowers at the grave of the father of the Soviet space programme, Sergei Korolyov, who is buried at the Kremlin walls.

Sputnik is Russian ("Спутник") for “travelling companion”. Sputnik 1 was an 83 kilo, 56cm diameter sphere with four antennas connected to battery powered transmitters. The transmitters broadcast a continuous "beeping" signal to a suitably impressed earthly audience for 23 days. Sputnik was tiny, barely twice the size of a football, but it could orbit the Earth in 96 minutes.

In 1952, the International Council of Scientific Unions (ICSU) decided to establish the International Geophysical Year (IGY) to coincide with the high point of the 11 year solar cycle of sunspot activity later that decade. By some quirk of science, this “year” lasted a whole 18 months from July 1957 to December 1958. The US embraced the IGY program with investigations of aurora and airglow, cosmic rays, geomagnetism, glaciology, gravity, the ionosphere, determinations of longitude and latitude, meteorology, oceanography, seismology, solar activity, and the upper atmosphere. But the ICSU called on its members to do something more: it wanted nations to launch a satellite to map the Earth’s surface.

By 1957 Russia was ready to answer the challenge. In August the Soviets tested their R-7 Semyorka the world’s first intercontinental ballistic missile. While the test failed, they designed a modified version of the R-7 for its first space test. Two months later, the R-7 launched Sputnik from the Baikonur cosmodrome in Kazakhstan. The US was so disturbed by this apparent victory for communism, President Eisenhower gave the go-ahead to create a new federal agency to co-ordinate its space program. NASA was born a year later.

But while the Americans played catch up, the Russians went on to further success. Within a month of Sputnik 1, the Soviets launched the dog Laika into orbit aboard Sputnik 2. Laika was a stray dog picked off the streets of Moscow to become the first living being in space. She didn’t last long. Although Russian authorities told the world, she survived for four days in space, in truth she died within hours of take-off as her pulse rate increased to three times its normal level probably due to overheating, fear and stress. Laika was the first of 13 dog launched into space by the Russian in the next ten years. Scientists used dogs because they could best stand the long periods of inactivity. All thirteen were female as they did not lift their leg to urinate.

The Sputniks led to a string of successes for the Russian space program. In 1961 the tiny Yuri Gagarin became a giant figure as the first man in space – it helped he was just 157cm tall. In 1965 cosmonaut Alexei Leonov exited the airlock of the Voskhod 2 spacecraft to make the first spacewalk. It wasn’t until the late 1960s that the US finally took the lead with its Apollo missions to the moon with its crowning achievement of Neil Armstrong landing on the surface of the Moon.

Fifty years after Sputnik, there are now more than 800 satellites orbiting the Earth. NASA now acknowledges the debt they owe to the pioneer spacecraft. Michael Griffin, NASA’s head, went to Moscow for the 50th anniversary celebrations. He told the Russian Academy of Science how important the early Russian work was. "Without Sputnik there would have been no Apollo,” he said. “Indeed, when the space race of the 1960s was over, it may be said that we in America lost some of our own momentum."

Thursday, October 04, 2007

Sudan Man: deconstructing a George Forbes feature story

This report is a deconstruction of a feature article “Our Man in Sudan” by Cameron Stewart from the Weekend Australian Magazine on 15-16 September, 2007. The article is about Australian citizen George Forbes who achieved media headlines when he faced the death penalty after being charged with murder in Southern Sudan. After three months, the news story ended when a higher court eventually overruled a lower court sentence and Forbes returned to freedom in Australia.

Cameron Stewart’s 3,600 word article tells Forbes’s story in feature format. It was
presented as the second of five feature articles in the magazine that weekend and was billed on the front of the magazine as “How I survived a living hell in an African jail”. The article is an example of a news feature that is simultaneously a backgrounder and a historical feature. It is an in-depth of a story that made recent news and takes advantage of the fact there is already public interest in the subject matter.

Stewart’s story is a meticulous timeline of events especially while the case in front of the Sudanese courts. Stewart had to piece together events that were taking place simultaneously in several theatres of action. Stewart’s sources of information included his newspaper’s clippings file of the initial news story and the knowledge he gained from detailed interviews with Forbes. Stewart also gathers information and quotes from six other key actors: a politician, a diplomat, a lawyer, a barrister, a pastor and a medical scientist.

The one key question Stewart asks in his article is “Why hadn’t (Forbes) run
when he had the chance?” It is the only question asked by the journalist that ends up in the article. Stewart asks this question so he can set up a detailed account of Forbes selfless actions to protect the men working for him and the consequences of this action. It is an open question designed to get more than a few words for a satisfactory answer. Forbes himself drives the narrative forward with his complex answer to the question.

Because Stewart opened his account with a narrative of a dramatic incident in the story, when the outcome is uncertain, the feature is obliged to convey the story’s theme early. But he moves forward to the present tense of the interview before giving a potted thumbnail of the story in paragraphs 6 to 8. Only then does Stewart settle in to a chronological account of the story before returning to the interview setting at the end.

Stewart goes for a “gotcha” lead to grab the reader’s attention. It is a suspense lead, playing with readers expectations and withholding information. Why is there a dead man next to Forbes and why would Forbes be next? The reader wants to know more. The last paragraph of the article is a ‘looking ahead’ closer where the reader is invited to project ahead to coming circumstances.

The article takes its style and tone from the stark accompanying picture of Forbes next to a noose in a cell-like room. It also owes a lot to the ‘cloak and dagger’ nature of the article’s misleading title “Our Man in Sudan” (with its connotations of Graham Greene and espionage). Forbes is not a spy or a government employee. Nevertheless it establishes a sombre tone that is suitable for the seriousness of the story.

The use of quotes from Forbes is designed to flesh out his personality. We hear of Forbes administering an antibiotic to a dying man, showing a sense of humour as he discusses “Monty Python moments” and his “few bad apples” quote shows his native optimism. Len Granato calls these anecdotes “the heart and soul of the feature story and demonstrate attitude and outlook".

Wednesday, October 03, 2007

An analysis of the use of sources in 'The Australian' newspaper

Sources are a crucial part of the news process and warrant careful attention to their use. This report is a contents analysis of use of sources in the coverage of the ongoing Iraqi conflict in The Australian newspaper The analysis covers a period of four weeks in August/September 2007.

While journalists see themselves as impartial and objective in the tradition of the fourth estate, this analysis of sources in Australia’s only national masthead found that coverage of events is skewed in several ways. The study found a preference for western sources over Iraqi ones and also found a preference towards political and military sources. Least objectively perhaps, the study also found a pronounced bias of sources in favour of continued military intervention. While the researcher recommends further analysis, the use of sources in the study period show that the debate over Iraq in The Australian has been framed in terms of its impact to the West - not Iraq.

Methodology:

This media contents analysis is based on a diary of all news articles about the conflict in Iraq in The Australian newspaper during the four weeks between 25 August 2007 and 21 September 2007. 44 articles were chosen for study, approximately two articles for each day of publication.

The full list of articles is included in Appendix A at the end of this essay and attached in the accompanying news diary. The criterion used for inclusion in the analysis was any news article that was predominately about the Iraqi conflict. Therefore stories about political reaction in Washington, Canberra and elsewhere were included even though the locale of these stories was outside Iraq itself. Op-ed articles and stories that appeared in feature pages were excluded from the analysis.

For each of the included articles, the use of human sources was examined. Direct quotes and paraphrasing from named and unnamed sources were included for analysis. Where the source was from a written report or another news article it was excluded from the analysis.

This left a total of 112 sources across the 44 articles, an average of approximately three sources per story. The source data was then examined by three criteria: nationality, occupation, and whether it could be determined if the source was in favour of, neutral towards, or against continued military occupation. The latter criterion was determined either by either the context of the words or the official role of the speaker.


Literature Review:
Hall's "Policing the Crisis" (1984) provide a good analysis of the tendency towards the use of “authoritative” sources which limits the frame of any given debate. Schultz's "Reviving the Fourth Estate" (1998) forensically examines the media’s fourth estate ‘watchdog’ role while McChesney (1997), Breit (2001) and Pilger (2002) discuss the problems caused by the corporate concentration of ownership of the world’s media and the international power these corporations weald. Benedict Anderson 's "Imagined Communities(1983) defines a useful framework for seeing the media as a key part of a nation’s “imagining”. Meadows's "A Return to Practice" (2001) draws on Italian theorist Antonio Gramsci to define the media as cultural resource that attempts to redefine journalism as a conversation not as an elitist alliance between journalists and their sources. White's "Reporting in Australia has a useful primer on sources that is important reading for working journalists.


Analysis:

The media has long claimed for itself the fourth estate position of society’s “watchdog” which it underpins with notions of objectivity and professionalism. But such objectivity is problematic for a commercial entity such as The Australian, a Rupert Murdoch owned newspaper. His News Limited is the archetypal global media firm and is one of the five largest transnational media corporations in the world that own and manage the world’s principal sources of news and information. It is news they transmit in politically safe ways. It is also transmitted in a consistent manner. None of News Ltd’s 174 newspapers worldwide, including The Australian, editorially opposed the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003. This study of sources seeks to examine how these biases manifest themselves in a Murdoch masthead four years later. This is important because newspapers are a crucial part of the “imagining” that creates the concept of a nation. This analysis will attempt to show their interpretation of news is the “freedom of the powerful”.

Figure 1 below shows a breakdown of sources by nationality. Firstly, the articles showed a marked tendency to rely on American sources. 65% of all voices in the study period were from the US. And 84% of all voices were from English speaking countries. Only 12% of all voices were Iraqi. The lack of local sources show a truism in news gathering that source obsession gives too much priority to the person that yield the news than the news itself.

Figure 1: Analysis of interview sources by nationality
Total= 112
USA 65%
Iraq 12%
Australia 11%
UK 8%
Others 2%

Figure 2 below analyses the role of the sources used. The striving for objectivity in journalism gives rise to the practice of obtaining media statements from ‘authoritative’ and ‘accredited’ sources. The study bears this practice out as a total of 76 % of all sources are from the ruling elite of politics and the military. All bar one source was male (Hillary Clinton was the sole exception). The skewing towards a mostly male elite class reinforces the notion there is an over-accessing in the media of those in powerful and privileged positions.

Figure 2 analysis of sources by role of source
Total = 112
Politician (or spokesperson) 44%
Military (or spokesperson) 32%
Others 24%

Figure 3 below shows the bias of the sources in terms of their view on the continued presence of Coalition troops in Iraq. The number of pro-presence sources outnumbered the anti-presence sources by a margin almost three to one. Such disparity in views chosen is not reflected in the views of the community served by The Australian newspaper. The most recent Newspoll (another News Ltd company) on Iraq (10/07/07) showed 67 per cent of respondents were in favour of either bringing home all Australian troops immediately or setting a definitive date for them to return. Given the significant contribution of the media to the way in which we ‘imagine’ our community, such results show a jarring disconnect between the views of the media and the public they profess to serve.

Figure 3: Analysis of sources by their stance on the continued presence of the US-led forces in Iraq
Total=112
Clearly in favour 61%
Clearly against 22%
Neutral or could not be determined 16%


Figure 4 below analyses the 25 anti-presence sources from figure 3 to determine their nationality. 86 % of all these sources were from the US and Australia. They mostly represented political parties opposed to the military engagement. In four weeks, The Australian published the voices of just two Iraqi opposed to the US-led presence. In the media’s favoured way of setting up topics, they maintain what the Birmingham media group describe as “strategic areas of silence”.

Figure 4: Analysis of sources against the continued presence of the US-led forces in Iraq by nationality of source
Total=22
USA 54%
Australia 32%
Iraq 10%
Other countries 4%


Conclusion

Through an analysis of sources, it is possible to argue The Australian newspaper has several pronounced biases in its coverage of the conflict in Iraq. These favour a profile of American male privileged elites who favour continued involvement of US-led forces in Iraq. These biases often manifest themselves by as much as what sources are not used (women, Iraqis, and non-privileged citizens generally) as the powerful ones that are used.

But perhaps this is too large a claim for a four week analysis period. The war in Iraq has been going for four years. A complete analysis of four years’ data from The Australian of the same criteria would leave a researcher with more solid grounds for drawing this conclusion.

====

Appendix A: full list of considered articles
date page title author total sources
25-Aug 2 Bush and Howard to talk Iraq Greg Sheridan 2
27-Aug 12 Iraqi PM lashes out at Clinton over
sack call AFP, AP 2
27-Aug 14 Bush recasts defeat in victory quest Sunday Times 10
29-Aug 9 Sarkozy calls for Iraq pullout AFP 1
29-Aug 12 Prepare for long war: UK general The Times 2
29-Aug 12 Arms supply investigated Agencies 0
31-Aug 1 Surge working: top US general Dennis Shanahan 2
31-Aug 10 Shia rivalry forces cleric to cease fire
Agencies 1
1-Sep 1 Bush in warning to Rudd on troops Geoff Elliott 3
1-Sep 13 Rebuild Iraq police force, urges panel Reuters, AFP 4
3-Sep 11 confidence in US plan surges across
Baghdad Sunday Times 4
3-Sep 12 US Anger at Brits move out of Basra Sunday Times 4
3-Sep 11 UK troops give up Basra base The Times 6
3-Sep 11 Bush heads down under via the war zone Geoff Elliott 0
4-Sep 11 Bush in surprise detour to Iraq Geoff Elliott 2
4-Sep 14 President signals troop withdrawal Agencies 2
5-Sep 14 Engagement may have reached its
high-water mark Geoff Elliott 1
6-Sep 1 Face-off on Iraq looms for Rudd Dennis Shanahan 2
6-Sep 9 Iraq war 'remains winnable' Mark Dodd 2
7-Sep 1 Bush charm fails to sway Rudd on Iraq P Karvales 2
7-Sep 13 Iraqi police force should be scrapped,
says report AP 2
8-Sep 12 Petraeus to suggest gradual cut in forces AFP 2
10-Sep 11 paying the Sunnis to fight al-Qaida Sunday Times 3
11-Sep 9 British troops remained at Basra Palace
at insistence of US AFP 2
11-Sep 9 Military chiefs split on success of surge The Times, 2
12-Sep 1 Iraq troops surge working Geoff Elliott 1
12-Sep 2 Troop withdrawal not an option: PM Mark Dodd 4
12-Sep 15 Democrats turn on the general they
welcomed The Times 1
12-Sep 15 Protests muted, at least from the publicThe Times 3
12-Sep 15 After a half hitch, a knotty reckoning The Times 1
12-Sep 15 US winning war: Petreaus The Times 4
12-Sep 15 Petraeus to visit UK to defuse Basra rowThe Times 2
13-Sep 8 Bush challenged on Iraq war plan The Times 9
14-Sep 9 Heat on Clinton over Iraq criticism David Nason 4
15-Sep 13 Bush bid to build bridges is too late Geoff Elliott 2
15-Sep 13 Sunni tribes vow to avenge murder of
pro-US leader Agencies 2
15-Sep 13 America stands alone as a mighty
world power for good The Times 0
17-Sep 1 Barmy armies' pitch battle in Iraq Martin Fletcher 2
17-Sep 11 War in Iraq all about the oil Graham Paterson 1
18-Sep 11 Greenspan backs off 'Iraq war for oil'
claims Reuters 2
20-Sep 8 Iraqis ward off attack by al-Qa'ida AFP 3
20-Sep 8 Blackwater guards 'fired without cause' MCT, AP 4
21-Sep 11 Democrats lose Senate bid to win troops
more home time AP 2
21-Sep 1 Labor policy on troop withdrawal
is a big con Dennis Shanahan 2

Tuesday, October 02, 2007

Iran defends the Revolutionary Guards

Iran has hit back against the accusation its Revolutionary Guards are terrorists by claiming it is the US military and the CIA that deserve the label. The Iranian foreign minister has backed a statement on Saturday by 215 members of the Majlis (parliament) which branded the US military and the CIA as “terrorists because they support terrorism”. Mohammad Ali Hosseini told reporters at his weekly press conference he supported their stance. He also condemned the recent US Congress approval to declare the Islamic Revolution Guards Corps (IRGC) terrorists. “Placing the armed forces of the UN member states on the list of terrorist groups is unprecedented,” he said.

On Wednesday last week, the American Senate voted 76-22 in favour of a resolution that urged the State Department to designate the IRGC a terrorist organisation. Iran’s biggest concern is that the move could affect businesses linked with the Guards, as it could allow the US. Treasury Department to move against them. The Guards are the elite defenders of Iran’s 1979 Islamic revolution and it gained considerable popularity and power during the eight year Iran-Iraq war that followed.

The Iranian Revolutionary Guard was formed in May 1979 in the immediate wake of the Islamic revolution. It was set up by the then Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khomeini to be the “guardian of the revolution”. Former CIA analyst Bruce Reidel said the ayatollah wanted protection against threats from Iran's regular army, who may still have had loyalties to the Shah and his foreign backers such as the CIA. The group was originally intended to be a popular people's army but was bloodied in the eight year war with Iraq. The Guards acted as human waves in some of the toughest battles and hundreds of thousands of fighters perished.

According to Mehdi Khalaji of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, the Revolutionary Guards are not just a major military force, they are the spine of government. Religious leader and commander-in-chief of the armed forces Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has appointed many former commanders to top political positions, blurring the line between military and civil authority. Former Guards senior officers holding significant positions in government include the secretary of National Security, the head of state television and radio services, several cabinet ministers and the president himself Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.

The Guards are also a major economic force. They not only operate legal businesses, but they also register as foreign companies, and engage in illegal smuggling. After the Iran-Iraq war the country passed legislation to allow the IRGC use its “engineering capability” to rebuild the economy. However there is no oversight organisation and corruption is rife. The IRGC control billions of dollars of Iranian oilfield contracts and automotive industry on a no-bid basis. According to Washington based Iranian exile, Rasool Nafisi, that is one reason why the private sector is unable to function well – “because the juiciest part of the economy was swallowed up by the IRGC”.

Known in Farsi as the "Pasdaran", the guards were established by a Khomenei decree with a mandate to defend the revolution. By 1986, the Pasdaran consisted of 350,000 personnel organized in battalion-size units that operated either independently or with units of the regular armed forces. In 1986 the Pasdaran acquired small naval and air elements. By 1996 the ground and naval forces were reported to number 100,000 and 20,000, respectively. It has a massive intelligence unit to monitor the regime's domestic enemies. It also has strong links to overseas organisations such as Hezbollah and Islamic Jihad through the Quds (Jerusalem) Force.

The shadowy Quds Force led by Qassem Soleimani reports directly to Ayatollah Khamenei. While the Quds and the US have found themselves on the same side in the past (they both supported the Northern Alliance in the Afghan war against the Taliban), they are now deemed to be enemies. In January this year, US President Bush accused the Quds of assisting the insurgency in neighbouring Iraq. Afterwards, the White House backed away from the implication that Iran is complicit in the war across its border. Some of the evidence linking Quds to weaponry found in Iraq is also dodgy. Asked why the writing on the weapons allegedly made in Iran was in English, one U.S. intelligence official responded: “That’s a very good question.”

Monday, October 01, 2007

Fukuda takes the reins in Japan

New Japanese Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda has promised a more conciliatory approach to politics than his predecessor after his first week in the job. Fukuda has committed to keeping dialogue open with the media with twice daily interviews, town meetings and an email magazine. He also wants to engage in dialogue with the opposition Democratic Party of Japan to solve the current political impasse. His predecessor Shinzo Abe had antagonised the press and resigned over his failure to win support for an extension of a controversial anti-terrorism law.

The 71 year old Fukuda is a political survivor. He is the country’s longest serving chief cabinet secretary (between 2000 and 2004) and follows in the footsteps of his late father Takeo Fukuda who was Prime Minister between 1976 and 1978. Fukuda (the son) initially worked in private industry but moved into backroom politics during his father’s reign as premier. He was elected into parliament in 1990. He slowly worked his way up to Chief Cabinet Secretary until he was brought down in a purge after a major political scandal about the Japanese pension system.

Fukuda was approached to run for leadership last year after Junichiro Koizumi stepped down but he decided to leave the field clear for Shinzo Abe to take the leadership. Fukuda has now promised to use his negotiating skills to win approval for extending Tokyo's contentious mission in support of US troops in Afghanistan. Currently Japanese naval vessels refuel coalition ships in the Indian Ocean. The mission has been going since 2001, and Washington has called publicly for Tokyo to renew its commitment. The US joined a delegation of 11 nations that has called on Japan to “continue its important contribution” in Afghanistan.

Many in Japan think the ruling government’s support for the refuelling goes against the intent of Article 9 of the Japanese constitution, the so-called ‘anti belligerence’ clause. The first sentence of the article reads in part “the Japanese people forever renounce war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as means of settling international disputes”. The clause was included in the American-written Japanese constitution in 1947 and has never been modified. Former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe was closely associated with a push to renew the Afghan mandate but was opposed by the Democratic Party of Japan.

He resigned suddenly on 12 September. Officially Abe said he resigned to expedite the end to a political stalemate caused by Afghan crisis and the defeat of the ruling coalition in the July Upper House elections. But many observers questioned how exactly Abe’s resignation will resolve the issue. This has led to speculation as to other possibilities to why he stood aside. Some aides have hinted of a health problem and Chief Cabinet Secretary Kaoru Yosano said Abe has been in “constant agony” lately. But there may be a second cause. There is talk in Japanese political circles that an upcoming story in the weekly tabloid Shukan Gendai will expose a ¥300 million inheritance tax evasion by Abe.

If this is true, it is just one more example of financial impropriety in Japan’s upper political echelons. Even new Prime Minister Fukuda is not immune. On Friday he was forced to admit reports that a political support group in his constituency crossed off its name on receipts and instead attributed the receipts to the ruling party's local chapter. Fukuda denied it was deliberate evasion but instead merely “sloppy accounting”. But the news does not bode well for a cleaner financial future. For now Fukuda is acting humble in the hope of riding the storm. "It has nothing to do with making a profit or financial wrongdoing," he said. "But as the head of the office I really feel ashamed."