Showing posts with label congo. Show all posts
Showing posts with label congo. Show all posts

Sunday, March 28, 2010

HRW uncovers LRA massacre in Congo

A new Human Rights Watch report has given details of a large scale massacre of civilians in north-eastern Congo by the Ugandan rebel group the Lords Resistance Army in December last year. In a well-planned operation, the LRA killed more than 321 civilians and abducted more than 250 others, including at least 80 children in northeastern DRC near the border with Sudan. The attack was one of the largest single massacres in the LRA’s 23-year history and witnesses said for days afterwards the remote area was filled with the “stench of death.” (photo © 2009 Reuters)

The horrific nature of the attack is outlined in HRW 67-page report “Trail of Death: LRA atrocities in Northeastern Congo” (pdf version).It was one of a series of assaults in the Haut-Uele and Makombo regions of DRC late last year during a vicious four-day operation to abduct child soldiers for their operations. In each town they arrived in, the LRA pretended to be Congolese and Ugandan army soldiers on patrol, and spoke in broken Lingala (the common language of northern Congo) to reassure locals. Then they tied them up with ropes or metal wire at the waist, often in human chains of five to 15 people and dragged them away. The victims included many children aged 10 to 15 years old who were made to carry pillaged goods. Anyone who refused, or who walked too slowly, or who tried to escape was killed. Hundreds were hacked to death with machetes or had their skulls crushed with axes and heavy wooden sticks.

Both the Congolese and Ugandan governments had previously claimed the LRA was no longer a threat to the DRC. HRW says embarrassment over these claims contributed to the lack of news of the massacre reaching the outside world. A DRC army investigation unit arrived in the area a week later and concluded the LRA had carried out the attacks but no further action was taken. Ugandan soldiers attempted to pursue the assailants but without success.

It wasn’t until the end of December that news filtered through to MONUC, the UN peacekeeping mission in Congo. Though it regarded the LRA as the enemy, MONUC did not have the resources to investigate. Its priorities were to defend the district capital Dungu from LRA attack, and attend to the long-running crisis in Kivu. However after a HRW briefing in March, MONUC sent a team of human-rights specialists to the area to investigate.

The attack was coordinated by General Dominic Ongwen, commander of LRA forces in northeastern Congo. Ongwen is wanted by the International Criminal Court for crimes committed in Uganda and he divvied up the abductees among the LRA commanders and separated into multiple smaller groups, each heading in a different direction. HRW has now called on the ICC and the DRC to investigate Ongwen and his two most senior commanders for their role in the massacre.

It will be a task easier to ask than answer. Originally restricted to Uganda, the LRA has now evolved into a regional power causing deadly mayhem in Uganda, southern Sudan, CAR, and Congo. They were pushed out of Uganda in 2005 and now operate in the remote border areas between southern Sudan, Congo and CAR. Despite continual attacks from multiple directions, including the 2008 US-logistics backed Operation Lightning Thunder, the LRA has proven remarkably resilient and able to regroup to continue their attacks against and abductions of civilians. In retaliation for Operation Lightning Thunder the LRA attacked numerous Congolese villages around the end of 2008 killing almost a thousand civilians and abducting hundreds more.

HRW says one hope of defeating the LRA comes from the US government. On 24 February, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton Senate told the Foreign Relations Committee “I have been following the Lord’s Resistance Army for more than 15 years. I just don’t understand why we cannot end this scourge. And we [the US government] are going to do everything we can to provide support we believe will enable us to do that.” Three weeks ago the Senate unanimously passed the Lord’s Resistance Army Disarmament and Northern Uganda Recovery Act. The bill is now before the US House of Representatives and if enacted into law requires the Obama administration to develop a regional strategy to stop LRA attacks, LRA, work to apprehend their leadership, and support economic recovery for northern Uganda.

HRW says the people of northeastern Congo and other LRA-affected areas across the central African region have suffered for far too long. “They are waiting for strong, effective action to end the LRA’s atrocities,” said the report. “[And also] to see the safe return of their children and other loved ones who remain with the LRA, and to let them know they are not forgotten.”

Sunday, February 01, 2009

Mixed start to Thomas Lubanga’s ICC trial

The first week of evidence in the historic International Criminal Court (ICC) trial of Congolese man Thomas Lubanga has ended with mixed results for the prosecution. Lubanga has pleaded not guilty to recruiting and using child soldiers under age 15 in 2002-2003. After the first witness recanted his evidence he was a child soldier, a second has restored hope to prosecutors by testifying he taught child soldiers in the art of war. He is the first of four Congolese warlords that will face trial. The trial is the first to be heard by the world's first permanent war crimes tribunal since it was created in 2002. But as the Toronto Star editorialises, the real value of the case is that the practice of using child soldiers “will persist until warlords and others understand they can no longer send children to their deaths with impunity.”

For this first case, ICC chief prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo charged the 48 year old Lubanga with recruiting 30,000 child soldiers to fight in the conflict that raged in north-eastern DRC between 2002 and 2003. Lubanga is the leader of the UPC (Union of Congolese Patriots), a group set up in 2000 that was closely allied to Uganda. The UPC was accused of massacring civilians in 2002 in DRC’s eastern province of Ituri. Ituri is a gold-rich region near the Ugandan border and the Ugandan army took the side of Lubanga’s Hemi ethnic group against the Lendu.

Initially the war here was ignored while peace efforts focussed on more pressing parts of the DRC. Eventually French troops occupied Ituri’s capital Bunia. UN peacekeepers arrested Lubanga in 2005 and transferred him to jail in the DRC capital Kinshasa. A year later he was extradited to the ICC court at The Hague where he was charged with three counts of war crimes for using child soldiers. However it has taken a long process to get him to trial. It was due to begin in June 2008 but immediately stalled when the court ruled that prosecutors had wrongly withheld evidence. The court granted his release a month later but this was delayed pending appeal. In November the suspension was lifted and The British Judge Adrian Fulford announced a start date for the trail of the end of January 2009.

However things went badly for the prosecution on the opening day of the trial last week. Firstly the young star witness flown in from Congo was forced to take his oath three times due to malfunctioning microphones. There was a bigger shock when he finally testified and recanted his earlier testimony that he was a child soldier. Earlier the young man, now a teenager, said he was snatched by Lubanga's militia on his way home from school. However he changed his story in court and denied that he'd ever been a child soldier taken to a military training camp. Instead, the witness claimed his testimony was prompted by an NGO which he did not name. Stunned prosecutors claimed their witness felt unprotected and feared for his safety from the watching Lubanga.

Judge Fulford immediately ordered the witness’s testimony to be adjourned and called for a probe into possible threats against the witness and his family. He also directed the prosecution to examine the risks of self-incrimination faced by witnesses who may face prosecution in the DRC. The court’s "Rule 74" requires that witnesses be fully informed that evidence could possibly incriminate them back home.

Meanwhile the trial continued and prosecutors did better with Friday’s witness. A former militia fighter told the court he trained children to use assault rifles and fought alongside them. The man said he joined Lubanga's militia in 2002 when senior officers threatened to torch his village unless the young people joined up. He had previously served as a child soldier in the Congolese army five years earlier and he was made an instructor because of his experience. He taught recruits the basics of war and how to fire AK47 rifles. He said children often were assigned to officers as armed "bodyguards or escorts," and many fought and died in battle.

The trial is expected to last for six to nine months and is a crucial test for the tribunal's ability to bring war criminals to justice. The ICC is the only permanent tribunal for prosecuting individuals accused of war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity. Previous war crimes cases have been handled by adhoc tribunals. The ICC was established under the 1998 Rome Statute, a treaty now ratified by 106 states (though the US is a notable absentee). While discussion of ICC membership was studiously avoided during the election campaign, Obama is known to support the court. Bringing the US back into the fold would be an even bigger step towards the ICC’s legitimacy than a Lubanga conviction.

Monday, January 28, 2008

Congo presses ahead with Grand Inga Dam

When Zambia was hit by its second electricity blackout in 48 hours last week, it turned to its unlikely major power importer to solve the problem: the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The DRC is more commonly known for its interminable problems due to long-running war but is looking towards the mighty Congo River’s power generating capacity to forge a major new export industry for much of Southern Africa. Although Zambia has three hydro power stations of its own, it relies on the DRC to overcome a shortfall.

The key to the DRC’s long-term prospects in this industry is the long promised Grand Inga dam on the lower Congo. When it is delivered, the Grand Inga will be the world’s largest hydropower scheme. It is also envision by the international economic community to link into a power grid across Africa that will spur the continent's industrial economic development. Grand Inga has the potential to produce up to 39,000 MW of electricity, over twice the power generation of Three Gorges Dam in China, up to a third of all Africa’s current needs.

The major problem is the price tag: $US80 billion, well beyond the infrastructure budget of a poor African country. The scheme requires an international approach. Grand Inga is listed as a priority project of the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC), the New Partnership for African Development (NEPAD) and the World Energy Council. Meanwhile other groups are proceeding with their own plans. Three days ago, South African company Eskom and the UN environment agency UNEP presented a $50 billion plan to dam the lower Congo. It is unclear whether this cheaper option included schemes to divert water to dryer regions south and north of the humid Congo Basin. Nor have Eskom revealed the local environmental consequences.

The Congo River has long been recognised for its damming potential. When the country prepared for independence in the late 1950s, its political leaders recognised that modernisation of the country required massive amounts of electricity for factories, cities, hospitals and schools. Its leaders decided to build a dam to span the river at one of the 32 cataracts on Livingstone Falls between the capital Kinshasa and the Atlantic Ocean. The narrow gorges within the Falls create pressures within the river capable of generating waves 12 metres high followed by whirlpools strong enough to suck trees under water.

In 1972 under the dictatorship of Mobutu Sese Seko, the first hydroelectric dam opened at the city of Inga, about 55km upriver from the seaport of Matadi. Known as Inga I, it was joined by Inga II a few kilometres away in 1982. The dams not only enabled Mobutu to control the flow of power to the rebellious province of Katanga but also remain the only extant hydroelectric dams in the country. They span the river where it narrows, plunging its way through a gorge. While they have been instrumental in supplying electricity to the people of the Congo basin, they represent just six per cent of the river’s potential hydroelectric capacity and there remains 30 other unexploited cataracts.

The idea of the Grand Inga megadam has been around since Inga II was completed. The likely cataract for the dam has a drop of almost one hundred metres promising a huge amount of energy. The dam has been slow getting off the ground while the DRC has been entrenched in war. Now as peace emerges, the plans are being dusted down again. However critics are worried by the environmental consequences. The size of the dam will create a massive reservoir of water that will flood forests and farms and also prevents migration of fish while killing millions of them sucked into the blades of the turbines. The World Wildlife Fund has warned that as conflict in the region subsides, a hydropower development presents the greater threat to the freshwater biodiversity of the Congo Basin, one of the most important wilderness areas left on the planet.

The dangers inherent in the potential size of Grand Inga is also shared by the World Rainforest Movement (WRM). They argue that because the Congo River runs strongly all year (due to rains on both sides of the equator) no large dam is needed. They say that to connect Inga to an Africa-wide electricity grid would cost more than $10 billion but would still not reach the hundreds of millions of Africa's rural poor. The Inga project departs from the goal of small-scale sustainable energy projects which would bring electricity to rural people through local wind and solar power projects. According to WRM, megaprojects are more likely to bring social, economic and environmental disruption of people’s livelihoods, lands and life.

Friday, January 25, 2008

North Kivu peace deal

The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees has issued a cautious welcome for the peace deal struck in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) province of North Kivu. UNHCR rep António Guterres told the signing conference in Kivu’s capital Goma it represented a big step in the search for a lasting peace but would not end the immediate problems. Guterres’ caution is understandable given the tenuous nature of previous agreements. The situation in North Kivu remains volatile with 800,000 displaced people still seeking refuge despite the Congolese war ending officially in 2003.

DRC president Joseph Kabila attended the signing in Goma, a city which has suffered heavy fighting in recent months. The UN and western governments exerted heavy diplomatic pressure to get the peace deal to the table and now hope the accord can put an end to fighting in the east, which has raged on despite the official end of Congo’s war five years ago. Last minute disagreements over war crimes cases threatened to derail the talks but the deal was finally sealed on Wednesday.

As well as the DRC government, the deal was signed by Tutsi rebel General Laurent Nkunda, the pro-government Mai Mai militia and about 18 other minor groups. The accord brings long negotiations to an end and includes an immediate ceasefire and the deployment of UN peacekeepers in 13 key locations. It also offers a probable amnesty to Nkunda and his forces however the rebels say the full implementation will require the disarming of a rival ethnic Hutu militia.

The signature of Laurent Nkunda was a key success factor. His forces have clashed with government troops since 2004 and he has been successful in painting himself as a protector of Congo’s Tutsi minority especially from the remnants of the Hutu Interahamwe militia (known as ex-FAR) who were responsible for the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. Nkunda helped Joseph Kabila overthrow the hated Mobutu reign but fell out with the new Kinshasa regime. The DRC and the UN issued an arrest warrant for Nkunda in 2005 but that has been nullified by the new deal.

Nkunda’s forces have been mainly fighting the government aligned Mai Mai who have been equally as brutal. Both sides use child soldiers indiscriminately. The Mai-Mai are a loosely aligned local defence group of pro-government forces made up of warlords, traditional tribal elders, village heads, and politically motivated resistance fighters. In 2006, Human Rights Watch called for the DRC government to charge Mai Mai warlord Kyungu Mutanga on counts of murder, rape and abuse of civilians.

Analysts are sceptical the latest deal can achieve much as the talks excluded two key players: Rwanda and the Hutu Interahamwe (ex-FAR). Those displaced by the conflict want to see the repatriation to Rwanda of members of Hutu extremist militias they regard as the main cause of insecurity in the region. The DRC government has tabled a plan that provides for the repatriation of Rwandan Hutu fighters, first voluntarily and then by force from mid-March if they refuse to leave. But most of the people in North Kivu are hopeful the deal will bring peace to a devastated region. "There are too many killings, too many rapes and abuses that should stop at all costs," said local farmer Alphonse Batiburasabinako. Up to 1,500 Congolese die in the region every day, mostly from preventable diseases and malnutrition.

The news comes just days after the International Rescue Committee released its report into "Mortality in the DRC" (pdf) over the last ten years. The report notes that although a formal peace accord was signed in December 2002, the war has since given way to several smaller conflicts in the five eastern provinces including North Kivu. The IRC’s earlier four studies, conducted between 2000 and 2004, estimated that 3.9 million people had died (mostly from disease and malnutrition) in the DRC since 1998, making it the world’s deadliest conflict since World War II. This fifth survey, covering the period from January 2006 to April 2007, found the DRC’s national crude mortality rate (CMR) of 2.2 deaths per 1,000 per month is 57 percent higher than the average rate for sub-Saharan Africa. This is despite recent improvements. Once again it found most deaths are due to preventable and treatable conditions. The IRC says recovery from conflict is a slow and painful process. They called on steadfast international commitment to secure recent gains and prevent further deterioration in a country that remains in deep need.

Saturday, December 01, 2007

UN Court reduces sentence of Rwanda genocide hate radio chiefs

On the day a Rwandan census announced that 937,000 people died in the 1994 genocide, three of the media bosses instrumental in urging on the massacre have been given small reductions in their jails sentences. In the Tanzanian city of Arusha, the UN Appeals Court for Rwanda has dismissed the charge of conspiracy to commit genocide of two executives of radio Radio Television Libres des Milles Collines (RTLM) and the chief editor of Kangura newspaper. Two of the men have had their life sentences reduced. Ferdinand Nahimana, RTLM’s founder, will now serve 30 years and Hassan Ngeze, Kangura’s editor, will serve 35. RTLM’s director Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza will now serve 32 years instead of 35.

Despite the reductions, the harshness of the sentences reflects the powerful role of the media in communicating the instructions and the enthusiasm for mass murder in Rwanda. Kangura means “wake it up” in the Kinyarwandan language. The newspaper called on citizens (extremist Hutus) to exterminate the "cockroach ethnic Tutsis" and published the "Hutu 10 Commandments" telling people to kill. In the days before the start of the killing the editor Hassan Ngeze wrote: "Let whatever is smouldering erupt.”

Hassan had inside knowledge things were about to erupt. He was a member of the akazu (“the little house”). The akazu was the entourage of the family of long-standing President Juvenal Habyarimana, and his wife Agathe. But the little house turned on the Habyarimanas after the president agreed to sign a peace deal in 1994 with the Tutsi rebels. They ordered his troops to shoot down the president’s plane over the capital on his return from peace talks in Tanzania. There were no survivors (the Burundian president was also aboard and was collaterally assassinated). Immediately, akazu member Colonel Théoneste Bagasora installed a new Hutu Power government. They conveniently blamed the Tutsi rebels for Habyarimana’s death and within 24 hours the genocide had started.

RTLM was the voice of that genocide. It was a creation of Hutu hardliners and began broadcasting in 1993. It had an ominous message: “Tutsi are nomads and invaders who came to Rwanda in search of pasture.” It was the first of the media to announce the President’s death. RTLM would become the primary medium of conducting the genocide that followed. It was quickly to blame Tutsis for Habyarimana’s death. For the next three months it incited and cajoled Hutus to seek revenge and “exterminate the Tutsi cockroaches”. RTLM also broadcast the names and addresses of the country’s Tutsi minority and the Hutus that sympathised with them.

In all of this was the hand of the new government. Authorities knew they could reach a larger audience by radio than by public meetings and urged the people to listen to the radio so that they would know what was expected of them. RTLM was the most popular station in the country with its lively music and informal and spontaneous style. It was a mouthpiece for Hutu Power propaganda. It told the people what was happening in the street and castigated those who were “not doing their duty” and taking part in the massacre. RTLM's chilling message was: “there is no place for moderates”.

By the end of June 1994, a period of just three months, there were very few Tutsis left, moderates or otherwise. The genocide was brutal and efficient. To help with the killing, the army trained up large proportions of the civilian population into a militia called the “Interahamwe.” Only a very small proportion of this makeshift army had guns, most made do with machetes and knives. Together they went on a rampage, indiscriminately killing Tutsis as well as Hutu intellectuals, doctors, nurses and other professionals.

But like the Nazi obsession of exterminating the Jewish population, the Rwandan government was undone by its bloody fixation for killing Tutsis. The rebel Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) took advantage of the chaos to seize control of the country and end the genocide. The Interahamwe, and with them the RTLM and Kangura bosses, fled across the border to President Mbuto’s camps in Zaire (now Democratic Republic of Congo). There they continued to hassle and raid Rwanda for several years until the RPF supported Laurent Kabila to overthrow their patron Mbuto. They destroyed the power of the militia but the action brought in nine countries and set in motion eight years of war that devastates Congo to this day.

Saturday, October 06, 2007

King Leopold’s Ghost still haunts Congo

DR Congo President Joseph Kabila sacked his transport minister yesterday just one day after a plane crash that killed over 50 people in the capital, Kinshasa. A presidential spokesman said Remy Henry Kuseyo was dismissed "due to his inability to reform the aviation sector". On Thursday an Antonov AN-26 owned by Congolese airline Africa One, crashed shortly after take-off and struck a market before ploughing into houses.

Although on board mechanic Dédé Ngamba astonishingly survived the accident by falling out of a hole in the plane into a puddle of mud, at least 51 people have died in Congo’s latest air accident. The Democratic Republic of Congo's air safety record is one of the world's worst and is symptomatic of the larger problems of country ranked second worst in Africa by an independent governance index released this week.

Congo’s issues are daunting. One of the largest countries in Africa, it was created out of nothing over 120 years ago by the greed and megalomania of one of Europe’s most remarkable and most infamous monarchs: King Leopold II of Belgium. Leopold was responsible for the death of ten million Congolese as he built his private empire. The story of Congo and Leopold are told in an excellent book called “King Leopold’s Ghost” by Adam Hochschild published in 1998 and released last year as a greatly condensed film under the same title.

The story starts with a different king: a black one. King Affonso I was ruler of Kongo in the 16th century. He was greatly influenced by the Portuguese traders that plied Affonso’s coastline. He was a moderniser who sought eclectic European ways such as the church, literature, medicine and trade skills. But he didn’t want European rule of law nor did he want mineral prospectors invading his lands. And he could not prevent the rising slave trade for the coffee plantations in Brazil and the Caribbean.

After Affonso died, the power of Kongo diminished. Other countries entered the lucrative slave market. The king of Kongo was beheaded after his armies were finally vanquished by the Portuguese in 1665. An era of European domination was about to begin. Yet for the next two hundred years, the inland would remain mostly off-limits to white eyes. The only route through the thick malarial jungle was by the mighty Congo River itself. But it was a fearsome adversary. Much of the river lies over three hundred metres high on the African plateau. It descends to sea level in just 350kms tumbling over 32 waterfalls.

The man who eventually crossed this natural barrier was born as John Rowlands in Denbigh, Wales in 1841. Rowlands was an orphan who grew up in the workhouse. He was a good scholar fascinated by geography. Aged 16, he sailed to New Orleans where he used his wits to quickly land on his feet and get a job. He also changed his name to Henry Morton Stanley.
Stanley reinvented his past to go with his name and passed himself off as a native-born American.

During the civil war, he signed up for the Confederates but was captured after two days in combat by Union soldiers at the Battle of Shiloh, Tennessee. To escape a disease-ridden POW life, Stanley enlisted with the Union Army and finally the Navy until he deserted in 1865. He finally found his metier as a journalist when he covered the Indian wars for a St Louis newspaper. His vivid reports caught the eye of James Gordon Bennett jr, the publisher of the New York Herald and the self described “Napoleon of the Newspaper”.

Bennett offered Stanley a job and sent him to cover the British war in Abyssinia. Stanley was resourceful and he bribed a Suez telegraph clerk to give priority to his reports. As a result Stanley scooped his rivals with news of the conflict. When he got back in London, Stanley thirsted for more success. Bennett in New York gave him a new brief: Find David Livingstone.

Livingstone was a Scottish missionary driven by anti-slavery zeal who wanderings took him across Africa for 30 years. He looked in vain for the source of the Nile, found Victoria Falls, preached the gospel and denounced slavery. In 1866 he went missing on a long expedition and he wasn’t heard from in almost three years. In 1869 Bennett ordered Stanley to mount an expedition to find him. It took Stanley two years to get a 150 man party together and then another eight months before he found his man near Lake Tanganyika. Stanley supposedly greeted him with the immortal four words: “Dr Livingstone I Presume?

We have to take Stanley’s word on this, as David Livingstone died shortly afterwards in Africa. It was Stanley’s version of events that became history and Stanley himself became an American hero. His book “How I found Livingstone” was an international best seller and one man in Brussels eagerly read in every piece of news about Stanley’s African adventures. That man was 37 year old Leopold II, King of the Belgians.

His father, King Leopold I, died seven years earlier. Leopold the elder was a German prince, related to the British royal family. He was installed as king after Belgium gained its independence from Netherlands in 1830. Leopold II was a French speaker who never bothered to learn the Dutch spoken by the majority of his subjects who lived in Flanders. He was involved in a loveless arranged marriage with Archduchess Marie-Henriette an Austrian Empire Hapsburg.

In his youth Leopold had travelled to Europe, Egypt, India and the Dutch East Indies. His travels whetted his appetite and when Leopold finally took the throne in 1865 he was determined for Belgium to take its part in Europe’s growing colonial adventures. He was not put off by the fate of his younger sister Charlotte who was married off to Austrian archduke Maximilian. Maximilian was imposed as emperor of Mexico by Napoleon III of France. Charlotte became empress and changed her name to Carlotta. Mexicans weren’t impressed by Maximilian and Carlotta and rebelled against their new rulers. Maximilian was executed and Carlotta fled back to Belgium where she descended into madness.

Her brother was slowly cultivating a far more dangerous madness of his own. He was determined to have an African empire. He convened a conference in Brussels which gave rise to the innocuous sounding International African Association. At face value it was an international organisation dedicated to exploration of Africa and the exposure of the slave trade. In reality it was a front for Leopold’s grand ideas of Belgian expansion in Africa. It made enquiries and tried to buy an African colony but none were for sale. It would have to claim one of its own.

While Leopold vainly sought his kingdom, Stanley was also hunting for further African glory. In 1874 Bennett and the London Telegraph sponsored him to cross Africa east to west. His Anglo-American expedition set off from Zanzibar on Africa’s east coast. He arrived at Buma at the mouth of the Congo in 1877. He wrote another best seller “Through the Dark Continent” describing his travels. It also described the great arc traversed by the Congo River that took it on both sides of the equator. The arc exposed the river to a continuous rainy season that contributed to its voluminous water flow.

Leopold avidly followed Stanley’s journey across Africa. He was especially interested in his descriptions of the Congo which was rich in rubber and ivory On Stanley’s triumphant journey back to London, the king lured him to Brussels in 1878. Leopold signed Stanley onto a five year contract. Stanley would lead a Belgian expedition back to the Congo and navigate the river. They would construct a road to get past the fearsome rapids and establish trading posts inland.

For the next five years, Stanley was Leopold’s man in the Congo. After two years they had hauled all their boats and equipment up to the top of the plateau and sailed inland. Stanley was a hard taskmaster and treated Africans with contempt. When he arrived at the opening in the river that bears his name, Stanley Pool, he was shocked to find the French had beaten him there and signed a deal to take the lands north of the Pool. Count Pierre Savorgnan de Brazza had landed north of the river and made his way inland. That land became French Congo and is now the Republic of Congo with Savorgnan donating his name to its capital Brazzaville.

Stanley redoubled his efforts on the south bank of the Congo. He signed deals with 450 Congolese chiefs. Each “treaty” a chief signed gave away sovereignty of their lands to Leopold’s front organisation the International African Association and also committed their people to “assist by labour or otherwise” any “improvements” that the Association might suggest. When Stanley was finished bargaining in 1884, he had “a million of square miles” in the bag. All Leopold needed to do now was to convince Europe to recognise his claim.

Leopold pulled American strings in his pay to lobby President Chester Arthur to recognise the new country. Arthur was a reluctant president. He was vice President to James Garfield in 1880. Garfield was assassinated barely six months into office. Arthur was in poor health and ill prepared for the job now ahead of him. Arthur was flattered into recognising the International African Association’s ownership of Congo. The move was rubberstamped by the European powers in a congress in Berlin in 1884. Leopold sent Stanley as his representative and the explorer was the star attraction. Leopold got his way on the assumption that the Congo was to become a free trade zone.

Suddenly the Belgians woke up to the realisation they had an empire that was 76 times the size of Belgium itself. Leopold called himself the “King Sovereign” of the Congo and by royal decree he renamed his asset the Congo Free State in 1885. It was a private asset and one which Leopold controlled without reference to the Belgian parliament. All profits went to him alone.

Leopold sent Stanley back to Africa on another mission. The governor of Sudan’s southern most province, Emin Pasha,had asked Europe for help against the threat of a Muslim fundamentalist group known as the Mahdists. Despite his exotic title, Pasha was a German Jewish doctor born as Eduard Schnitzer and therefore a white hero in Africa. Stanley’s relief mission went through Leopold’s Congo through unexplored rain forest. By the time they reached Pasha, the crisis was over and Pasha was no longer eager for help.

Despite this failure, Leopold’s empire was slowly consolidating. He established military bases along the river and sent in a team of Belgians to administer his new kingdom and tap into the riches of the rubber trade. Its secret weapon was slavery and used no compunction to shoot villagers if they didn’t obey orders. By the 1890s, American historian George Washington Williams condemned Leopold’s colony as an “oppressive and cruel government” that was guilty of “crimes against humanity. But because Williams himself was black, his warnings were largely ignored in Europe and the US.

Leopold had declared that “all vacant land” in the Congo was to become crown property. He also ignored the free trade edict and had his administrators collect tariffs along the river. They conscripted porters to carry out the ivory to the ports. They were needed particularly to carry the loads past the treacherous rapids until the railway was built. Thousands of porters died of overwork as white overseers enforced discipline with the dreaded chicotte – a hippopotamus hide cut into a sharp-edged cork-screw whip.

Joseph Conrad visited the Congo in 1890 and sailed up river where he saw the horrors of white occupation first hand. Conrad, then a 32 year Polish seaman named Konrad Korzeniowski, initially believed in Leopold’s ennobling mission but was dismayed by his first hand experiences. He spent six months in the Congo and afterwards transformed it into his great book “Heart of Darkness”. It contained an unforgettable portrait of the deranged Kurtz who was based on several Belgian overseers and transformed into an American in Vietnam in Coppola’s Apocalypse Now.

Events in the Congo took a new turn in 1890 after John Boyd Dunlop invented the pneumatic tyre. It set off a craze for bicycles and the world quickly developed an insatiable appetite for rubber. Wild rubber vines were abundant in the equatorial rain forests of the Congo and Leopold was quick to take advantage of the new boom. He went into partnerships with rubber companies to extract the sap. These companies used slave labour to maximise their profits. They rounded up men, chained them together and enforced disciple with chicottes.

The rubber boom gave impetus to construction projects and Leopold worked to finish the railway up the rapids. When completed it added enormously to the state’s wealth and power. But the opening up of the country also exposed his empire to the disinfectant of truth and word was slowly emerging from missionaries of the price paid by locals for Leopold’s enormous wealth. The king was always quick to deny these claims. But one of those that noticed something was wrong, did so from thousands of miles away. His name was E.D. Morel and he was to become Leopold’s most formidable enemy.

Morel was a clerk in Antwerp for a British company Elder Dempster that traded in the Congo. He soon noticed that the only trade into the country was arms and all the material coming out was hardly ever paid for. He realised that only forced labour could account for this. Morel resigned his position and became a full time advocate in against the slave trade in the Congo. He set up his own newspaper the West African Mail to deal with the problem. In 1903, his cause was helped by Irish-born British diplomat Roger Casement.

Casement travelled to the Congo in his role as Consul to get a handle on the problem. He spoke to overseers, missionaries and natives and he documented his findings in report to parliament. His report showed that abuse, slavery and murder were commonplace. Belgium put pressure on an embarrassed British government to delay publication of the damaging report. Morel meanwhile kept the pressure up for Britain to act for Congo reform. The world’s press began to turn on Leopold and his own sexual indiscretions lost him popularity at home.

Through murder, starvation, disease and plummeting birth rate, Congo was the killing fields of the 1890s and early 1900s. Belgian soldiers launched many punitive expeditions against restless natives and massacres were commonplace. Thousands were held as hostages and died of starvation. Smallpox and sleeping sickness killed many more and as the men were forced into slavery the birth rate dropped considerably. Morel exposed all of these methods of killing.

Leopold launched a massive counter PR operation against the growing tide of evidence. He had a network of paid spies, politicians, businessmen and journalists working in his interests. But when his effort to bribe a US congressman was exposed by Hearst’s New York American newspaper, his rule began to crumble. Under pressure, Leopold launched an independent Committee of Inquiry which issued a damning 150 page report of the state of the colony.

Leopold was forced to seek “the Belgian solution”. He negotiated for the state to take the indebted and scandal ridden colony off his hands. Congo changed ownership in 1908 to the people of Belgium and was renamed “Belgian Congo”. African ownership was not considered. Leopold himself died a year later, unmourned and booed at his own funeral. He had never set foot in the colony he ruled so despotically for over two decades. Forced labour in the Congo continued under the Belgian administration. Belgium itself has tried to brush the whole episode of Leopold’s misdeeds under the carpet.

In 1960 Congo finally won its independence from Belgium. Patrice Lumumba, the country’s new leader, made radical and dangerous speeches that threatened western interests in the country. US President Eisenhower regarded him as a “mad dog” and CIA chief Allen Dulles authorised his assassination. They used Belgians in the Congolese army to support an anti-Lumumba faction and he was arrested, beaten and shot in 1961. The CIA installed Joseph Desire Mobutu who ruled Congo with an iron fist until the bloody revolution of 1997 that deposed him. Congo then survived eight years of wars and four million dead. Though now at precarious peace, King Leopold’s Ghost still haunts the land of Kongo.

Wednesday, September 12, 2007

new Ebola outbreak in Congo

UN officials are desperately rushing in supplies and doctors to south-central Congo to contain a new outbreak of the deadly Ebola virus. More than 150 people have died so far in Kasai province and the World Health Organisation (WHO) is aware of another 372 cases. Congolese ministers are going on radio and television to educate villagers about the crisis. “We are extremely concerned,” said Dr. Benoit Kebela Ilunga, secretary general of the Congo Health Ministry. “But we also have experience dealing with this.”

Makwenge Kaput, Congo’s health minister, said the outbreak of the Ebola virus occurred at Mweka, a village outside the Western Kasai provincial capital of Kananga. The WHO regional office is supporting the Kinshasa health ministry in the field at the location of the outbreak. However the presence of dysentery in blood and urine samples is complicating diagnosis and treatment.

The WHO has confirmed the presence of Ebola virus in samples taken from cases associated with the outbreak after laboratory analysis at the Centre International de Recherches Médicales de Franceville (CIRMF), Gabon, and at the Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) in Atlanta. They are now sending Personal Protective Equipment (PPE) to the area and Médecins Sans Frontières (Belgium) has deployed clinicians, water and sanitation experts and logisticians to set up quarantine facilities.

Following the announcement of the outbreak, the Health Ministry of neighbouring Uganda has issued a red alert to all border posts. Although Kasai is 2,000kms away, medical experts say the threat of the virus spreading is serious. "We are always concerned that is why we have issued a directive to all border posts to be vigilant," said Dr Sam Okware, the Ugandan commissioner for health and chairperson for the Ebola Task Force. The last outbreak in Uganda in 2000 killed 160 people.

Ebola haemorrhagic fever (EMF) is one of the deadliest pathogens affecting primates, killing up to 90 percent of infected people. The virus is endemic to Africa and the Philippines. There is no known cure. In severe cases, victims haemorrhage and bleed from body orifices before dying. There are four identified subtypes (pdf) of Ebola virus. Three of the four have caused disease in humans: Ebola-Zaire, Ebola-Sudan, and Ebola-Ivory Coast. The fourth, Ebola-Reston, has caused disease in nonhuman primates, but not in humans.

Ebola is an animal-borne highly contagious virus that causes high fevers, diarrhoea, vomiting and often severe internal bleeding, has killed hundreds of people in Africa, where diets include primates. The virus is transmitted by direct contact with the blood, body fluids and tissues of infected persons. Transmission of EHF has also occurred by handling ill or dead infected chimpanzees.

Although the disease is named after a river in the Congo, it was first recognised in a western equatorial province of Sudan in 1976. There it affected 284 people over half of whom died. A few months later, there was a second outbreak in Yambuku in Congo (then known as Zaire). 318 people were affected in the Congo and a staggering 88 per cent of those who contracted the virus died. There have been sporadic outbreaks, mostly in Africa, since that time.

The latest outbreak is the worst the world has seen for several years and is likely to have serious repercussions. It started three months ago when people started falling sick from a mystery virus in several villages around Kananga. Although several villages remain under quarantine, the WHO is saying there no need for any restrictions on travel or trade with the Democratic Republic of the Congo for now. That could change quickly with WHO warning of a “possible concurrent outbreak of another etiology [cause]".

Friday, August 17, 2007

Will Rukwanzi lead to oil war between Congo and Uganda?

An obscure tiny island is threatening to become a flashpoint between African neighbours Uganda and the Democratic Republic of Congo. The Ugandan-Congo border bisects Lake Albert, the northernmost of the Great Rift Lakes. But the 160km watery frontier it is difficult to demarcate and police. Border tensions at the lake have been exacerbated as Congo and Uganda tussle for ownership of the tiny island of Rukwanzi which lies at the southern tip of the lake. Although the island is barely three kilometres wide, Rukwanzi is seen as a strategic location for oil exploration which has been going on in the area for several years.

Rukwanzi Island is claimed by both Uganda and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Congo’s claim is based on its fishermen who live on the island. Uganda’s claim is based on a 1971 map by its Department of Lands and Surveys indicates that the island is in Uganda, three and a half kilometres away from the boundary line with the Democratic Republic of Congo. In the local language Rutoro, Rukwanzi means ‘shiny bead’. “We were told that it was named that because it hangs on the water and swings like a bead on a person’s chest. It was named at the time when our great-grand-parents were trading in beads,” said local fishmonger Mukirane. “As a child, my mother cautioned me to always take care while fishing at Rukwanzi. Fishermen would fight for fishing space around that place.”

Tensions exacerbated on 4 August when gunmen on Lake Albert attacked a barge operated by Canada's Heritage Oil Corp killing a British geologist. The Briton worked for IMC, the company doing the seismic studies for Heritage Oil. Ugandan troops blamed Congo. "Congolese soldiers crossed into Uganda and attacked the boat between 1:00am and 3:00am," western Uganda army spokesman Lt. Tabaro Kiconco told The New Vision. Our troops also came in and responded. One Congolese soldier was killed in the fire-fight and one was injured."

In the past two weeks, Uganda's western border suffered three cross-border attacks that left three others dead. Now the Ugandan army has threatened to re-enter the Congo to quieten its western border if incursions do not stop and diplomatic efforts fail. "We are using incremental reactions, softer means, talking to each other, trying to persuade [the Congolese government] to see reason," Defence Minister Crispus Kiyonga said at the weekend. "If these soft measures do not work, we will take harder options including re-entering Congo."

However not all diplomatic efforts are failing. The two countries announced last week they would re-survey their common border to establish ownership of Rukwanzi in order to end growing border tensions between the two countries. “There is no cause for alarm and the situation is under control,” said Ugandan Defence Minister Crispus Kiyonga. “We have agreed to form a joint commission involving officials from Uganda and Congo side to re-survey our borders. This was part of the agreement with DRC President [Joseph Kabila] and we are committed to it.”

Now Congo’s troops have occupied the island. Congolese troops first set up a military detachment on the island in 1993 and have recently beefed up their contingent. They now join the 1,000 residents, mainly Congolese fishermen. Fishermen on the Ugandan side claimed that Congolese armed personnel were routinely harassing them on the lake. "They are ruthless," said a Ugandan fisherman Deo Mugisa. "They will arrest you at gun point, take your boat and fishing net and sometimes fishermen completely disappear."

As well as they oil concerns, border tensions have been increased by a leaked Congolese external security report which notes that Kinshasa is worried that Congo's exiled former Vice President Jean Pierre Bemba might be plotting to resume insurgency against his country from Uganda. Bemba was the leader of the rebel Movement for the Liberation of Congo (MLC), which was supported by Uganda during the Congolese civil war of 1998-2003. Bemba went into exile in Europe when he refused to disband his security force after his defeat in the 2006 election by President Kabila. Bemba now plans to return to the Congo and some diplomats believe Uganda may continue to support him. The statement of one elder from North Kivu area of Congo after the discovery of oil in 2003 remains prophetic: "We can see war coming on the horizon".

Friday, August 10, 2007

Laurent Nkunda: Congo’s latest nightmare

UN officials in Eastern Congo are blaming rebel leader Laurent Nkunda for forcing almost a quarter of a million people from their homes since the start of the year. Nkunda’s forces are responsible for forcing 230,000 people into refugee camps in the city of Goma which straddles the border with Rwanda. The displacement camps are full again for the first time since the end of the war in 2004 and the UN warns that Congo could be on the brink of another all-out conflict.

Nkunda is a member of Congo’s Tutsi minority and claims he is merely protecting the Tutsi population from violence of Hutu extremists who fled into Congo from Rwanda after the 1994 genocide. Yet Nkunda is also claiming a greater Rwandan kinship that sees both Tutsi and Hutus victims of violence at the hands of Congolese people. Like others from his community he alleges the country’s million strong Kinyarwandan speaking people – both Tutsis and Hutus – have long been discriminated against. Hutus have inhabited parts of North Kivu for centuries, but there were influxes of Tutsis and Hutus from Rwanda to Congo in the 1930s and 1960s, populations who today complain they are treated with contempt.

Nkunda himself was born to a Tutsi family in North Kivu in Congo in 1967. He studied psychology at university before joining the Rwandan Patriotic Front's (RPF) rebellion against the Hutu-led Rwandan government (FAR) in 1993. It was this extremist Hutu government that authorised the genocide that killed upwards of half a million Rwandan Tutsis in the first half of 1994. However, they were distracted by the slaughter and allowed the RPF to claim control of the capital Kigali by July 1994.

After the genocide, the Hutu Interihamwe militia fled into neighbouring Congo where they became known as the ex-FAR. The ex-FAR continued to harass and slaughter the native Tutsi population including both of Nkunda’s parents. The young Nkunda also came back to Congo after the end of the Rwandan war and help Joseph Kabila’s fledgling rebel army. In 1996 the Rwandan army came across the border to help Kabila’s defeat both the Interihamwe and their backer – long-term dictator Mobutu Sese Seko. Joseph Kabila finally overthrew Mobutu in 1997 but then turned on his Rwandan backers.

Nkunda meanwhile became a senior officer in the Rwandan-backed Rally for Congolese Democracy-Goma (RCD-Goma), one of the main rebel groups fighting in DRC from 1998 to 2003. In 2004 he was named general in a new national Congolese army created from troops of the dissident forces at the end of the war. He refused the post and withdrew with hundreds of his troops to the forests of Masisi in North Kivu. Nkunda controlled the former Sominki (Société Minière et Industrielle du Kivu) Rwandan export trade (pdf) in cassiterite (found in coltan ores). In August 2005 he announced a new rebellion but launched no military operations at that time.

The government and the UN issued a warrant for Nkunda’s arrest in September 2005. But Nkunda remained at large. At the start of the following year his forces attacked Congolese government soldiers and occupied several towns in North Kivu province. After a brief period of calm, they resumed combat. They attacked and raped civilians and looted their property. Tens of thousands of Congolese were forced to flee to neighbouring areas or across the border to Uganda.

In February 2006, the US based Human Rights Watch (HRW) called on the UN and the Congolese transitional government to arrest Nkunda and charge him with war crimes. HRW claimed his whereabouts were well-known to authorities since the arrest warrant was issued. “The police and army have done nothing about arresting him,” said Alison Des Forges, senior advisor to the Africa Division of Human Rights Watch. “So long as Nkunda is at large, the civilian population remains at grave risk.”

The reason that Nkunda remains at large is mainly due to the influence of Rwanda. While officially Rwanda does not condone his activities, they say they are sympathetic to his case and “can understand his argument”. Rwandan Foreign Minister Charles Murigande told the Washington Post that the root cause of eastern Congo’s instability is not Nkunda but the ex-FAR. “It's like saying, if we didn't have these Tutsis, the ex-FAR would not have people to kill,” he said. “It is an ugly way of seeing things, but, let's hope that which is just will prevail”.

Tuesday, June 12, 2007

Congo reviews its wartime mineral contracts

The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has launched a “fairness” review this week of 60 mining contracts signed during the last Congolese war of 1998-2003. With relative stability returned to the DRC, the mining industry is booming and metal prices are on the rise. However the government now believes that the terms and conditions of these contracts are unfair to the state and need revision. They have been supported by advocacy groups who say the contracts were signed without sufficient transparency and don't provide enough benefits to the local population. Big companies affected include the world’s largest miner BHP Billiton, the world's third-biggest gold producer AngloGold Ashanti, and U.S. major Phelps Dodge.

Mines Minister Martin Kabwelulu has launched a commission which will report to Prime Minister Antoine Gizenga in three months. Experts warn the task will much more daunting than the government realise and will take longer than expected. Carter Centre lawyer Peter Rosenblum is advising the commission and he believes it is a larger scale review than anything he has seen elsewhere.

The DRC suspended all negotiations on future mining deals in March pending the completion of the review. A two year UN Security Council investigation recommended the review of all wartime contracts. In 2003, the UN linked the war with exploitation of Congo’s resources saying that "illegal exploitation remains one of the main sources of funding for groups involved in perpetuating conflict."

After the war ended, the transitional government established a commission to look at the problem. Congolese lawmaker Christophe Lutundula headed the investigation, which came to be known as the Lutundula Commission. Its 50-page report showed how the DRC was often cheated by international mining companies. Private partners in joint ventures did not have to provide capital, which left the DRC carrying the debt. There was also a large smuggling culture with many minerals leaving the country unregistered, unrecorded and untaxed. The Lutundula report recommended many contracts should be renegotiated, or cancelled.

Congo holds one third of the world’s cobalt and one tenth of the world’s copper. It also has abundant reserves of gold, diamonds, tin, uranium and coltan. A group of NGOs launched an international appeal called "A Fair Share for Congo!" to ensure the profits of these minerals benefit the Congolese people. The rainbow group called on the new Congolese government and its international partners to "clarify and revise all mining contracts inherited from the past, set up an independent mechanism to monitor the implementation of contracts, and ensure transparent and fair management of mining resources”. The group said that after 30 years of dictatorship and more than 15 years of war and transition, the needs of the Congolese people are immense.

The most recent and more devastating of these wars left 4 million dead. But political tensions are now starting to ease. In December 2005, a nationwide referendum backed a UN-drafted constitution. The current government was elected in 2006 in first democratic polls in 40 years. Major problems remain to be solved. The DRC has one of the world's most dysfunctional economies, with a fragile government, little in the way of basic infrastructure and widespread poverty and desperation. Average income per person is less than $120 a year. There is still widespread conflict in the resource-rich border areas near Uganda and Rwanda. Corruption is widespread and there are few basic amenities.

But despite these daunting conditions and a World Bank warning that rates the DRC as the world’s worst country to do business, interest in mining in the country has soared since the election. Companies are prepared to take any risk to feed China’s apparently endless commodity boom. US company Phelps Dodge approved the building of a copper and cobalt mine in December 2006 at the provincial capital of Lubumbashi. This $600 million mine will yield 112 million kilos of copper a year with production starting as early as 2009. John Fenn, Phelps Dodge's senior vice president for Africa, acknowledges that doing business in the Congo is "especially challenging." But he adds, "the way you grow is you have to go after the resources."

Saturday, April 07, 2007

Easter Coltan Message

Tantalum is in the Periodic Table. Coming in at number 73, tantalum is a dark, dense, ductile, very hard, easily fabricated, and highly conductive metal. Tantalum has unique properties for storing electrical charge. In 1802, Swede Anders Ekeberg discovered a new metal in a rare earth mineral called yttrotantalite. He called it tantalum because like Tantalus who could not drink, tantalum would not react with acids. But when scientists studied its powder form, they discovered it could also power a capacitor. Tantalum is the force behind pinhead capacitors which are capable of regulating voltage and storing energy.

With these gifts, they form a formiable part of the science of current flow in cell phone circuit boards. According to 2005 figures there are at least 2 billion mobiles in the world. Capacitors are also used in every DVD player, play station and computer in the world. Capacitors can be found in surgical implants, gas turbines, jet engines, ballistic missiles and nuclear reactors. Tantalum, element number 73, has a massive and growing market. But it doesn’t tantalise all by itself in the ground. In powder form it comes from a refined ore called coltan.

Coltan is African slang for a metallic ore called columbite-tantalite. Columbite-tantalite combines niobium with tantalum. The discoverer of niobium Charles Hatchett also called the chemical columbium. Whatever Hatchett called it, the ore it produces is almost indistructable. Coltan is prized for its very high melting point. Tantalum melts at around three thousand degrees. Well 2,996°C to be exact.

Most of the worlds coltan is found in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The DRC is Congo-Kinshasa, which in its other guise of Zaire saw George Foreman rumbled in the jungle and Scotland get knocked out of the World Cup. But mostly the DRC has been in the news for the wars that have crippled the country for at least ten years. Coltan is the cause of these wars.

Long known as the Belgian Congo, the DRC was once the personal fiefdom of King Leopold II. Booed by Belgians at his own funeral in 1909, Leopold used the Congo as a slave labour mine for rubber and ivory. Though eventually reclaimed by the state, Belgium eventually abandoned the country to its independent fate in 1960. First came president Lulumba was brave but too left-wing for the CIA. He didn't last a year. It was his deputy, General Joseph Mobutu, who would become the chosen one. It was he who became dictator and ruled the country for over thirty years. He was also a staunch US ally during the Cold War. It was he who changed the name to Zaire to promote "African authenticity".

Authentic or not, Mobutu’s reign unravelled after the end of the Cold War. Tensions inside the fractured country were already high but it exploded when the Rwandan genocide spilled over its border. Mobutu died in exile in 1997 while the country settled into war. With Mobutu gone, the country became the Congo again. But it was war with itself and at war with others. Eight other African countries would eventually become embroiled in Congo’s trouble. Today Kinshasa rule extends precariously from the capital. Much produce from the country’s eastern mines, including coltan, end up on the black market.

Here coltan is called “blood tantalum”. In 2000 the dotcom boom caused the price of coltan to skyrocket. The Coltan mines are in the part of Congo held by rebel forces. Miners dig the ore from craters in riverbeds and swill the dirt in washtubs. Just like gold, the heavier coltan settles on the bottom of the tubs, They sell the coltan to intermediaries. If they are lucky, the miners will not lose their $200 monthly pay to bandits. Meanwhile the middle-men bring the coltan to the border city of Goma. Goma is home to the Congolese Rally for Democracy (RCD). The RCD are the main rebel group who have split up into two factions, one backed by Uganda, one by Rwanda. Both have claims on Goma and traffic is heavy between the countries.

The illegal border traffic from Goma means that neighbours Uganda and Rwanda as well as Burundi export most of the world’s tantalum though none of these countries have any substantial ores of their own. The quarry otherwise known as Australia is also a coltan exporter. But not all of it is mined here. Some of it comes from the Congo. 80 per cent of DRC’s coltan arrives at the Sons of Gwalia processing plants at Wodgina and Greenbushes.

Sons of Gwalia have been an established Australian mining company since 1891 when the Lalor Brothers built a fortune from the Leonora gold mine in Kalgoorlie, WA. Herbert Hoover managed the company before he became US President. The company was worth $1 billion in shares by 2001. But they were caught out trading in unauthorised gold and foreign exchange and went into administration in 2005.

Despite the administration order and high court proceedings, Wodgina and Greenbushes still spit out over 50 percent of global demand, with production in 2003 reported at just over 2 million pounds tantalum oxide contained. A 2004 US Geological Survey showed America received 450 tons of tantalum imports, 57 percent of which was imported directly from Australia.

Sons of Gwalia had just two listed sole tantalum customers. They were the American Cabot Corporation and Bayer's HC Starck from Germany. Cabot is the biggest customer. Most coltan eventually ends up in Pennsylvanian-based Cabot High Performance Materials who make $100 million a year from grinding coltan into powder for capacitors. A lot of coltan also ended up in military parts sold by the Carlyle Group, the global private equity investment firm fronted by George Bush senior.

The recent technology boom caused the price of coltan to skyrocket to as much as $400 a kilogram, as Nokia and Sony struggled to meet demand. It is big business for exporters. The mining and use of coltan ore will only become more intense. Rwanda and Uganda will want to protect their trade. The future of Congo-Kinshasa remains tied up with the future of columbite-tantalite.

Tuesday, March 27, 2007

Clashes in Kinshasa

At least 150 people have been killed in the Congolese capital Kinshasa after clashes between the army and forces loyal to opposition leader Jean-Pierre Bemba. The violence started on Thursday last week and went for two days before Government troops regained control of the streets. Bemba is now currently seeking refuge in the South African embassy. Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) President Joseph Kabila defended the role of the army saying order had to be restored “at any cost” and has demanded Bemba face justice in a Congo court.

The violence has upset the peace process which ended DR Congo's war and led to elections in 2006. In the country’s first free vote since 1960, Kabila won the presidency from Bemba in a run-off election with 58% of the vote. But Bemba rejected the result claiming the election was rigged. Violent clashes at the time claimed at least a dozen lives. Bemba was elected a senator in the new parliament and was given repeated ultimatums to disband his military force, numbering in the thousands.

Instead of disarming, Bemba’s supporters took to the streets last week and immediately sparked clashes with Kinshasa’s security forces. Shooting on Thursday morning gave way to mortar fire in the afternoon. The mortar fire set buildings ablaze and destroyed an oil refinery. Bemba himself claims he was the target of an assassination plot and said two battalions of government troops surrounded his house. Bemba escaped to the sanctuary of the South African embassy. Thousands of others were also forced to flee the capital.

Among them were 200 people (including 50 members of Bemba’s military) who took refuge across the river in Congo-Brazzaville. Although there is no bridge between the two capital cities, the refugees crossed the Congo River aboard smugglers' canoes. The soldiers were disarmed by Republic of Congo marines before being housed in transit centres and a Red Cross compound.

The Democratic Republic of Congo is still recovering from a six-year civil war, widely considered the most lethal conflict in the world since World War II. Four million died in fighting, hunger and disease. Nine nations were dragged into the carnage which mostly in eastern Congo. The east had long been a home for disaffected groups from bordering countries such as the ethnic Hutu, Interihamwe, the group most responsible for the 1994 Rwandan genocide. These groups were protected by long-term Congo dictator Mobutu Sese Seko.

In 1996, the Rwandan army invaded Congo supported by a rebel Congolese army led by Laurent Kabila (father of current president Joseph) and drove Mobutu from power. Kabila was installed as the country’s new leader. But he fell out with his allies and ordered all foreigners to leave the country. Most refused to leave. A Rwandan counter-surge was defeated by a multi-national force of Angolan, Zimbabwean, and Namibian troops. In 1999 Uganda invaded in support of rebel group called the Mouvement pour la Liberation du Congo (MLC) and established control of the north.

Congo was now divided into three parts only one controlled by Kabila, with one each for Rwanda and Uganda. In 1999 six parties (DRC, Zimbabwe, Angola, Namibia, Uganda, and Rwanda) signed the Lusaka Accord ceasefire which called for a UN peacekeeping force and the withdrawal of all foreign troops. But mutual suspicion prevented enforcement of the Accord. Kabila was assassinated in 2001 and succeeded by his son Joseph. Finally in 2002 there was progress and most of the international armies left the country. The parties ratified the Pretoria Accord in 2003 which put in place a transitional government and planned an election which eventually took place in 2006. Kabila beat Bemba in a runoff after a stalemate in the first election.

Altogether up to 50 million people were displaced by the war. With the aid of 17,500 peacekeepers, Kinshasa has regained control of most of the country. But the east of the country remains dangerous with rebel Rwandan and Ugandan forces refusing to return to their native lands where they fear they will be targets of revenge. And while Hutu militia remain in the forests of east Congo where they prey on villages for food and money, the Rwandan army will continue to launch incursions to try to wipe them out.

By rights Congo should be one of the richest countries in Africa. American, Canadian, European and South African mining companies have all begun to invest in the mineral-rich Katanga province in an attempt to gain access to the vast reserves of gold, diamonds, cobalt, copper and tantalum (also known as coltan, a key component of mobile phones). San Francisco based engineering firm Bechtel Inc estimates that the DRC's mineral ores alone are worth $157 billion dollars. But not everyone is benefiting from outside investment. This huge country is the size of Western Europe but has few roads and little electricity outside the major cities. The Congo remains the heart of darkness.

Friday, August 25, 2006

Congo elections stalemate

The first election in 46 years in the Democratic Republic of Congo has ended in deadlock. The 30 July result means that the country is headed for an 29 October second round run-off between President Joseph Kabila and former rebel chief Jean-Pierre Bemba. The 35 year old incumbent is son of ex-president Laurent Kabila who was gunned down by a bodyguard in his own office in 2001. Kabila hails from the southeast Katanga province. But having spent much of his formative years abroad - going to school in Tanzania, studying at university in Uganda and receiving military training in China -- many Congolese see him as a foreigner. This perception is not helped by his poor knowledge of Lingala, the language spoken in the west of Congo including Kinshasa, the capital. But he remains popular in Congo's east.

The 43-year-old opposition leader Jean-Pierre Bemba headed the Ugandan-backed Congolese Liberation Movement (MLC) in the Second Congolese War between 1998-2003. His was the first rebel group to sign peace deals with Kabila and the MLC became a political party, joining the transitional government in 2003. He is from the northwest province of Equateur which was also the home of longterm ex-dictator Mobutu who was overthrown in 1997. Bemba graduated in business and finance in Belgium and is also a qualified pilot who has run an airline. Backed by Uganda in the war, his faction captured much of the country including the diamond mines which financed his campaign. He represents the Mobutists and as a Lingala speaker picked up significant support in Kinshasa.

As a result of the stalemate in the election, a heavy gunbattle broke out in Kinshasa on August 20 between forces loyal to the two main candidates. The fighting erupted Monday around Mr. Bemba's Kinshasa home. Bemba and several foreign ambassadors were in the house when the gunfire began but escaped uninjured. Elsewhere at least five people were killed in clashes between the two groups.

The provisional results show Mr. Kabila winning 45 percent of the vote, with Mr. Bemba taking 20 percent. A veteran politician, Antoine Gizenga, finished third with 13 percent. Over 25 million people registered to vote for the elections and the turnout was estimated at 70 per cent. Congo's first election in 46 years, which cost the United Nations almost $500 million US, was held to select a leader for the country's 58 million people and end years of corrupt rule and war that have disrupted the vast country and wider Central Africa.

Since 1994, the Congo has been rent by ethnic strife and civil war, touched off by a massive inflow of refugees fleeing the genocide in Rwanda. Kabila the elder overthrew the longterm dictator Mobutu in 1997 and change the name of the country back from Zaire to the Congo. Neighbouring countries turned against him and sparked the first Congolese War. The parties signed a tenuous ceasefire in 1999. It didn’t last long before the second Congolese War broke out. The five-year civil war left nearly three million people dead from hunger and disease. The war still drags on in the east by Rwandan-backed rebels. The war dragged in many other nations in Southern and central Africa including Zimbabwe, Angola and Namibia (who all supported the central government) and Uganda and Rwanda (who supported the rebels). A transitional government led by Kabila has been in power since 2003. It has four vice-presidents representing the various opposition factions. The peace deal signed at the war’s end called for elections by June 2006.

The UN has also expressed concerns about the logistics of holding an election in a country which is so large, yet lacks basic infrastructure. According to the UN's humanitarian chief Jan Egeland, about 1,000 people are dying every day in DR Congo - many from disease and malnutrition. Troubles in the remote, resource-rich provinces near the eastern border continued to loom in the background. Congo was voted the world's most neglected humanitarian hotspot in AlertNet's 2005 poll of forgotten crises.