The Sankore Mosque in Timbuktu (UNESCO/WHC) |
Tucked away at
the bottom end of the Sahara, Timbuktu has long been the perfect metaphor for a
mythological exotic other. In 1510 Moorish
author Leo Africanus saw Timbuktu’s fabulous wealth at the height of the Songhai Empire – one of the largest Islamic
kingdoms in history. In The History and Description of Africa, Africanus said
the ritual in the court in Timbuktu was “exact and magnificent”. The city's wealth and power came from its position as the
southern terminus of a key trans-Saharan trade route. Merchants sold slaves and
bought gold and the city was far enough away from everywhere to maintain
autonomy. Some 333 Sufi saints are said to be buried in tombs and
mausoleums across the city.
If ancient
Timbuktu was a fabled place, the reality of modern Timbuktu is more prosaic.
Over the centuries, its trade diminished as Atlantic vessels replaced the ships of
the desert. It became more isolated due to local squabbles and changed hands many times. In 1884 a decision in faraway Berlin brought Timbuktu under colonial ownership.
Sited north of a line between Say in Niger to Barou on Lake Chad, European bureaucrats deemed Timbuktu French territory not British. Locals were
oblivious to the line on the map until nine years later when a small group of French soldiers annexed
the city to the new French Sudan.
Timbuktu was
bequeathed to the newly independent state of Mali in 1968. The corruption of
Mali’s one party state coincided with the desertification
and drought of Timbuktu. Northern Mali
was dying while government in far-away capital Bamako did nothing to avert the crisis. Tuareg
independence fighters from the north had long been active in the region and
many returned to Mali this year battle-hardened after the Libyan civil war to
depose Gadafi.
They were behind the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad to liberate northern Mali. Helped
by a coup d’etat in Bamako in March , the NMLA combined with an Islamist group
called Ansar Dine to quickly took over the three biggest cities in the region –
including Timbuktu. Ideological differences quickly spread between the two factions. While
NMLA was Tuareg nationalist, Ansar Dine was Islamist with links to Mauretanian-based Al Qaeda in
the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM).
It was Ansar Dine who wanted to impose Sharia Law on
Timbuktu. The former allies clashed at the battle of Gao
in June. The Islamist faction won a decisive victory and took revenge on recalcitrant locals by
destroying Timbuktu’s World Heritage listed old city. On June 30, the BBC reported Islamist fighters damaged the shrines in the city including
the mausoleum of Sidi Mahmoud, one of the revered 333 Sufi saints. While UNESCO
hissed over the destruction of one its treasures, an Ansar Dine spokesman unapologetically
said all the shrines would be destroyed. "God is unique,” he said. “All of
this is haram (forbidden in Islam). We are all Muslims. Unesco is what?"
This
sweeping certainty of the Islamists is in stark contrast to the views of most
Muslims. Ansar Dine enjoys little support among locals and rules by fear. Mali is 97 percent Islamic but the
vast majority want nothing to do with the cult of Islamism. Ansar Dine follows not in the path
of Mohammed but invented traditions of the twentieth century drawing on fundamentalist icon Sayyid Qutb. Their spokesman was wrong: nothing in the magnificent mausoleums of
Timbuktu are haram.
Where this
leaves the city and the rest of Northern Mali, depends on the strength of the
new unity government in Bamako, announced overnight. Imposed by the Economic Community of West
African States (ECOWAS) it relies on army and civilian leaders to overcome
their suspicion of each other and work together. Next door Niger is alarmed about the dangers of Islamic radicalism in northern Mali. Ansar
Dine’s links to AQIM will ensure Western support for the new government. Financial support for a desperately poor city is imperative. But the fate of Timbuktu and its 333 Sufi
saints will ultimately rely on the solidarity of its people to resist the
medieval modernist barbarism
of the Islamists.
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