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An Irish joke
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Q. What's the difference between Charlie Haughey and an Aran jumper?
A. One's a country craft.
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Charlie Haughey is dead. Haughey, the one not a country craft, pretty much ruled Olde Irelande pre Tiger. Now he is dead at 80. Charles J. Haughey, or Haw hee as the British media learnt to call him, was a trained economist turned three times prime minister who ‘mastered his every brief.’ A politician and a crook like all of them. And a millionaire with an astute eye for the property market. He was a crafty cunt indeed. My apologies for use of the vulgarity. But obscenity it isn’t. Use of the word "cunt" here is a reflection of some clever ruse the Irish instinctive would be proud of in themselves, but recognise when it is done better by someone else. “Cute hoor” is another way of saying it.
Charles Haughey could certainly do it better than most. He will be buried with full Irish state honours on Friday. The Taoiseach Bertie Ahearn, his successor as leader of Fianna Fail, will deliver the funeral oration. Bertie will be sure to mention the good bits. And they were many. In his third term of office, he economically presided over an Irish perestroika. He was a strange breed with the ability to turn conventional wisdoms upside down. He attempted to implement “Irish solutions to Irish problems” (contraceptives could be provided legally under prescription to married couples.) He bought arms and he bought an island. But his people loved him. Giant screens will be installed outside Donnycarney church in North Dublin for the funeral. The church will be open on Thursday between 11.30am and 4pm so that members of the public can pay their respect.
Respect. Not something Haughey was ever short of during the tumultuous years of his government. Thatcher hated him but she could do business better with the taciturn Haughey than the trivia-obsessed Garret Fitzgerald. Fitzgerald was the man who kept him out of power between 1982 and 1987 and the alter-ego of Haughey. Fitzgerald was a doctor of economics and the leader of Fine Gael, the main opposition. There was a family slant. Haughey’s father was a staunch Fine Gaeler. There was even a personal slant. Haughey once dated Fitzgerald’s wife Joan O’Farrell.
Haughey was born in Castlebar, Co. Mayo on the 16th of September in 1925. So was B.B. King. King, of course, wasn’t born in Co. Mayo. But Haughey shouldn’t have been either. His parents were Catholics on the run from Northern Ireland. The family farm in Co Derry was burned in a sectarian attack. The Haugheys were disliked not only by Protestants by also by a significant Catholic population because Sean Haughey (Charlie's father) fought on the side of the Free State in the civil war. This war was the fulcrum of Irish politics. The main Irish political parties ignored social indicators as a reason for voting. They either aligned themselves as Free-Staters (Fine Gael) or Republicans (Fianna Fail). Though a nominal left voted Labour, neither Marx nor Adam Smith had a look in the decision of allegiance.
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Haughey graduated from Trinity College Dublin with an economics degree. He worked as an accountant and started his move into politics. He ignored his father’s Free Stater credentials. Instead he formed an alliance with one of Ireland’s patrician Fianna Fail families. In 1951, he married Maureen Lemass daughter of future Irish Taoiseach Sean Lemass. He was elected for Fianna Fail at the fourth attempt in for the seat of North Dublin six years later. His father-in-law offered him patronage with his first ministry role in 1961 as Minister for Justice. He became very busy in the role. He introduced legislation such as the Succession Act to protect the inheritance rights of wives, and the Extradition Act to remove the protection of criminals. Haughey also reactivated the Special Criminal Court and helped to defeat the IRA’s ill-fated border campaign of 1962.
His work got him a promotion to Agriculture. The farmers are a powerful force in Irish politics and Haughey was not as successful here. But his battles with farmers raised his profile and made him a very public figure. In 1966 his father-in-law Sean Lemass retired and Haughey applied for his job. Lemass advised him to bide his time and support Jack Lynch instead. Lynch rewarded Haughey by giving him the Ministry of Finance. Here he used his accountancy background and economic training to good effect. He presided over popular budgets with increased spending in an economic boom.
Northern Ireland was to burst its way back into the spotlight in 1969 with the start of the Troubles and the British Army on the street.
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Haughey inherited Lynch’s economic woes. The oil crisis had hit resource-poor Ireland. Haughey couldn’t do enough to stop it and was beaten at the polls by Fitzgerald’s Fine Gael in 1981. Though Haughey had a brief hiatus in power again a year later, his margin was knife-edge and lost a second election after the death of a Fianna Fail TD. The economy continued to spin out of control through the eighties until Fitzgerald lost the 1987 election. Fitzgerald ruled long enough to pass important social legislation but by the end of his watch Ireland was in danger of intervention from the IMF. Haughey was prime minister for the third time in 1987. In 1989, another tight election saw Haughey cling on to power at a price. The election had forced Fianna Fail into something they had never done before: form a coalition. Haughey formed an alliance with the Progressive Democrats, a new party not constrained by the bitter history of the Irish Civil war. The Progressive Democrats (PDs) were Ireland’s first free market Liberal Party and was founded by an ex-Fianna Fail renegade Desmond O’Malley. While this arrangement saved power for Haughey, it was too much for Fianna Fail traditionalists who saw him betraying their tradition. In 1990, Ireland was the head of the EU and Haughey served as chair with much distinction. While he basked in the role of world statesman, the knives were sharpening for him at home. His aura of invincibility slipped as a series of scandals embroiled his ministry. One of his ex-ministers Sean Doherty went public and stated Haughey had authorised him to conduct phone tapping. With a –gate just waiting to be put at the end of this scandal, the PDs pulled out of the government. Haughey resigned. His final speech to the Dáil echoed Othello: "I have done the state some service, and they know it, no more of that."
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