Showing posts with label Conor Cruise O’Brien. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Conor Cruise O’Brien. Show all posts

Sunday, January 11, 2009

On Edmund Burke

The recent death of Conor Cruise O’Brien brought to mind one of his greatest works, the life and times of Edmund Burke in his book The Great Melody. Edmund Burke was one of the greatest minds of the 18th century. There were many resemblances between his life and that of his greatest biographer O’Brien two hundred years later. Both were born in Ireland of mixed religious parentage and both left the country to seek a role on a bigger stage. But both found that Ireland had never left them and it preoccupied both their careers.

Burke was a statesman, political thinker, orator and an ardent campaigner. He was central to the great debates about liberty, empire, and the great American and French revolutions that dominated political thought in the latter half of the 18th century. Though raised in a wealthy Protestant family, he had much Catholic heritage. His Co Cork mother Mary Nagle never truly renounced her Catholic faith and his attorney father Richard Burke was a reluctant convert to the ascendency religion in order to escape the tyranny of the Penal Laws which made life intolerably difficult for Irish Catholics.

Burke’s earliest schooling was in a Catholic hedge school near the Nagle homestead in the Blackwater Valley. Aged 12, he was transferred to a Quaker school and eventually attended Trinity College Dublin where he graduated with a BA. Richard Burke wanted his son to follow him into the legal profession and young Edmund was enrolled at London’s Middle Temple to study law. Little is known of Burke’s life in the six years after he left Dublin. However by 1757 he had published his first two books and got married to Jane Nugent, daughter of an Irish Catholic physician. Edmund and Jane had two boys, only one of which, Richard, survived into adulthood.

By the early 1760s, Burke was beginning to lay the foundations of his political career. In 1765 he found a life-lasting patron Charles Watson-Wentworth, better known as the Marquess of Rockingham. At the time Rockingham was the leader of a section of Whigs and was about form a government which would last a year. Burke himself was elected to parliament for the rotten borough of Wendover and quickly attracted attention with a brilliant maiden speech in January 1766. However the first Rockingham administration was unstable and fell later that year. Burke would loyally remain with his patron in opposition for 16 years.

In 1774 he was elected for the proper seat of Bristol, then a thriving port and the country’s second city behind London. As the decade progressed, Britain became involved in a debilitating war against France and the rebellious colonies in America. Burke risked the wrath of his constituents by supporting a proposal to import Irish goods and abolish duties. But Bristol’s merchants wished to maintain a protected trade and refused to support him in the 1780 election. His mainly Protestant electorate were also unimpressed by his support for the repeal of some of the penal laws two years previously.

Burke was an early sympathiser to the demands of the American colonialists. He admired their energy, audacity, ingenuity and hardihood; qualities he celebrated in many major speeches. Yet he didn’t immediately want to see them leave the union. His dilemma was that he abhorred slavery and therefore was not prepared to see the Southern colonies represented at Westminster. He opposed coercive taxation measures and could see that war was inevitable which would have only one result: an independent American state. Even “our victories there,” he prophesised, “can only complete our ruin”.

However, Britain under the influence of King George III was reluctant to compromise with the rebels. With the nation in crisis, George was anxious for Rockingham to form another government. But with Burke manipulating in the background, Rockingham would not consent unless the King dropped his royal veto on American independence. George refused to do so until 1782. By then Burke was back in parliament in Rockingham’s pocket borough of Malton. It was Burke who devised the unambiguous words by which Rockingham would regain power: “The King must not give a veto to the independence of America.” George eventually caved in, and with it royal power was diminished: Britain had made the transition to constitutional monarchy.

Burke’s obsession with India was even longer than that of America. For 30 years until his death, he denounced the abuses and corruptions of the all-ruling East India Company. From 1782 onward, he insisted it be brought under the control of parliament and argued for the impeachment of the company’s most senior officer Warren Hastings. Hastings was the defacto ruler of British India and extracted collective extortion from the natives on behalf of the Company. However he was undone by the testimony of a functionary Philip Francis. Francis alerted Burke to Hastings activities and he (Burke) set up a parliamentary investigation of India.

After Rockingham formed government, Burke began to direct Indian policy. The Company had powerful friends including the King who brought down the second Rockingham administration and asked William Pitt the Younger (then aged 24) to form a government. Yet Burke continued to expose Company rackets in parliament and he left Pitt with no option but to impeach Hastings. His trial would last seven years and he was eventually acquitted, but Burke had his victory: the Company was brought under the control of parliament.

Burke’s greatest fame (or infamy depending on political view) is for his strong views about the French Revolution. His early feelings were ambiguous: “The spirit is impossible not to admire; but the old Parisian ferocity has broken out in a shocking manner”. But his view quickly hardened against it. In 1790 he prophesised that the national assembly would not last and the mob would someday hang the king. That year he published his “Reflections on the Revolution in France” where he said the revolution would be obliged to be “purified by fire and blood”. The September Massacres, the Terror, and the royal executions would prove Burke right. He also foresaw Napoleon when he said that power would be seized by a “popular general, who understands the art of conciliating the soldiery”.

The book came under fierce attack by supporters of the revolution who were quick to pen their responses. These included Mary Wollstonecraft “A Vindication of the Rights of Man” and Thomas Paine’s “The Rights of Man”. Burke ignored these and continued to work on his parliamentary colleagues to condemn the events in France. He made peace with Pitt and George III who were also against the revolution. Burke was also alarmed by the spread of Jacobin ideas to his native Ireland as the 1790s progressed. He did not live to see unsuccessful rebellion which spread there in 1798. He died a year earlier at home on 9 July 1797 with his wife Jane by his side. He was 68. He was survived by the wealth of great writings and speeches which rank among the masterpieces of English eloquence.

Saturday, December 20, 2008

Conor Cruise O’Brien dies

The death has taken place in Dublin of Irish intellectual giant Conor Cruise O’Brien. He was 91. O’Brien’s brilliant career led to important roles in politics, diplomacy, journalism, academia and the world of literature. Leading the tributes for Cruise O’Brien was Irish Taoiseach Brian Cowen who said he was blessed with a strong intellect and strong intellect and a leading light in Irish life in many spheres. “While Dr Cruise O'Brien's political views were not always in accordance with those of my own party over the years,” said Cowen, “I never doubted his sincerity or his commitment to a better and more peaceful Ireland".

Cowen’s reference to Cruise O’Brien’s political views was his major involvement in the regeneration of the Irish Labour Party in the 1970s. His biggest fame in his native land was his stint as Minister for Post and Telegraphs during the Garret Fitzgerald-led Fine Gael and Labour coalition government between 1973 and 1977. During office, he was renowned for his strong anti-IRA stance and he enforced controversial strong media censorship before he was voted out of office in the Fianna Fail 1977 landslide election win.

Although O’Brien was subsequently elevated to the Irish Upper House (the Seanad), his main influence was in other fields. He was editor-in-chief of the London Sunday broadsheet The Observer, and a historian who wrote several critically acclaimed books. He was also appointed Pro-Vice-Chancellor of the University of Dublin. He always remained an outspoken opponent of republicanism and was for a brief period in the 1990s a member of the now defunct United Kingdom Unionist Party in Northern Ireland. However he was later forced to resign after publishing his memoir where he called on Unionists to consider the benefits of a united Ireland.

The roots of Cruise O’Brien’s political and anti-republican leanings can be found in his birthright. His father Frank Cruise O'Brien was a journalist who edited a key 19th century tract on the pervasive influence of the clergy on Irish politics. His mother Kathleen Sheehy was an Irish language teacher, grammarian and Suffragette whose father was a member of the Irish Parliamentary Party and a Land League organiser. Their son Conor was born in the Dublin suburb of Rathmines in 1917 as the Great War raged but as Irish opinion began to turn against Britain. Frank died when Conor was 10 so the strong-minded Kathleen was the major influence on her son.

She gave him a mixed education. His first school was Muckross College, a Catholic convent school. Later he went to Sandford Park, which was nominally secular but strongly imbued with a Protestant ethos. The brilliant pupil won a scholarship to study Irish and French at Trinity. He overcame the devastation of his mother’s death in 1938 and supported himself by tutoring and journalism. He married young, enrolled with the Labour Party and joined the Irish Civil Service on graduation in 1942. It did not take long for Cruise O’Brien to become a leading figure in the Foreign Ministry. He played a major role in the agenda of the UN notably in the organisation of China's admission to the assembly. He was also caught up in the Congolese Civil War in 1961 and controversially ordered UN troops into action. He was ditched after the UN deaths mounted up and he resigned from the Irish civil service.

Despite this, he had a good reputation in Africa and became the vice-chancellor of the University of Ghana for three years. When New York University offered its Albert Schweitzer chair in the Humanities, he left Ghana and President Nkrumah saw him off, thanking him "for what you did for the university, whatever it was". During his Congolese adventure he met the poet Máire Mac An tSaoi. His marriage had failed by 1962 and he and Maire became romantically involved.

In 1969 he returned to Ireland, where he was elected to the Dail for Dublin North-East. When Labour agreed to a Coalition with Fine Gael in 1973, it was obvious Cruise O’Brien would become a cabinet minister. His most infamous act in power was Section 31 of the Broadcasting Act which banned Sinn Fein and IRA members from being interviewed on RTE. Given that the state broadcaster had a monopoly in radio and TV at the time, it was effectively a nationwide censorship. While the rule was introduced by Fianna Fail in 1971, Cruise O’Brien greatly strengthened its provisions. The act went so far as to prevent a Sinn Fein member from speaking about a trade union dispute in which he was the spokesperson. The law was eventually repealed in 1993. O'Brien believed that there was too much sympathy for Sinn Fein in RTE saying "If the Provos are successful, there will be civil war into which the south will be drawn."

His views on the North brought him into conflict with Charles Haughey. Cruise O’Brien coined the phrase GUBU ("grotesque, unbelievable, bizarre and unprecedented") which were the flowery words used by Haughey to describe the arrest of double murderer Malcolm Macarthur in the home of the attorney general, Patrick Connolly. Cruise O'Brien was a tireless critic of Haughey not only about his stance on Northern Ireland, but he also publicly questioned his integrity years before any large-scale evidence emerged that Haughey was on the take. It was Cruise O’Brien who said “man watches his history on the screen with apathy and an occasional passing flicker of horror or indignation.” His own history will be the deserved subject of more than an occasional passing flicker.