Showing posts with label Auguste Pinochet. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Auguste Pinochet. Show all posts

Monday, December 11, 2006

The Passing of Pinochet

The polarising influence of Auguste Pinochet is as evident in his death as in his life. Barely hours after he died, thousands took to the streets of Chile’s capital Santiago both to celebrate and mourn his passing. There was a carnival atmosphere in the centre of town where cheering opponents waved flags and sang celebratory songs. But later, clashes broke out when a group of a thousand people marched towards the city's presidential palace. Police fired water cannon and tear gas, while fires raged along one of Santiago's main avenues. Meanwhile Pinochet’s supporters held a vigil outside the hospital where the 91 year old died. One of his supporters told AFP news "it is very sad, because it is as if we were left orphans”.

Pinochet died after a suffering a heart attack last week. He underwent a procedure to unblock an artery at Santiago Military Hospital. He had appeared to be recovering until yesterday afternoon when he was rushed into intensive care. He died of heart failure at 14:15 local time, Sunday. "He died surrounded by his family," Dr Juan Ignacio Vergara told reporters. Outside the hospital, his supporters lit candles, waved Chilean flags and held photos of the general. The wake and funeral Mass will be held at a Santiago military academy tomorrow before his remains are cremated. By dying Pinochet has cheated court charges to the last.

In the past year, he was charged with crimes related to his 17 year reign of Chile. He was also charged last with evading taxes on $26 million an investigating judge said he hid in foreign bank accounts. Pinochet had denied defrauding the state during his regime. His lawyers denied in court he had any connection to crimes of violence and also said he deposited his life savings in bank accounts abroad to avoid political persecution in Chile.

Augusto Jose Ramon Pinochet Ugarte was born in the port city of Valparaiso in 1915. He was the son of a Breton immigrant who was a Chilean customs official. He was educated in Valparaiso before entering military school aged 18. After four years of study he graduated with the rank of sub-Lieutenant in the Infantry. In 1943 he married Lucía Hiriart Rodríguez. Together they had five children. Pinochet spent most of the forties slowly rising through the ranks of the army.

In 1951 he returned to Military School this time as a teacher. He also became editor of Cien Águilas ("One Hundred Eagles") a magazine for army officers. By 1953, he was becoming important. He was now a major and stationed in Santiago as a professor of Chile’s War Academy. He was stationed in Ecuador, obtained a degree and continued to impress his superiors. In 1968 he was promoted to Brigadier General. He joined the masons and was in the same lodge as Salvador Allende. His fellowship with Allende would prove crucial. Allende was elected president in 1970 and Pinochet became General Chief of Staff of the Army one year later. With the US pulling strings in the background, Allende’s government plunged into crisis in 1973. On the day parliament called for his removal, Allende turned to his Masonic brother and appointed Pinochet Army Commander in Chief. Barely three weeks later Pinochet had betrayed his brother and deposed him in a bloody coup d’etat that cost Allende his life.

Pinochet was suddenly in power, the head of a military junta. But he was there at the behest of the US. A CIA document released in 2000 showed that the agency actively supported the military Junta after the overthrow of Allende. Within a year of the coup CIA was aware of bilateral arrangements between the Pinochet regime and intelligence services to track and kill opponents - an arrangement that developed into Operation Condor.

Pinochet soon consolidated his control of the junta and was proclaimed President in June 1974. The early years of his reign was marked by brutal repression. The socialist, Marxist and other leftist parties that had constituted former President Allende's Popular Unity coalition were all banned. Human rights groups estimate that more than 3,000 people were killed in the first 12 months of the junta’s regime. Santiago's National Stadium was turned into a detention and torture centre. Meanwhile the grim “Caravan of Death” toured the country; it was a euphemism for the mass execution of at least 75 of the junta's highest profile political opponents.

But with the aid of the US, Chile started to prosper economically. Pinochet relied on a group of US trained Chilean economists known as the Chicago Boys. They were market reformers who were trained at the University of Chicago by Milton Friedman. Friedman came down to Chile to preach the values of a free market. But he also told the junta that a free market comes with political freedom. Pinochet ignore that advice, but Chile did push through reforms at a massive price. They privatised the pension system, state industries, and banks, and lowered taxes on income. The country had 30% unemployment but ended up with the fastest growing economy in Latin America.

In 1980, Pinochet approved a new constitution which prescribed a single-candidate presidential plebiscite in 1988, and a return to civilian rule in 1990. Dissatisfied with the long-term promise of democracy, the opposition and trade unions began to organize demonstrations and strikes against the regime in 1983 which provoked a violent response from the government. Pinochet’s leadership survived through the eighties including a failed assassination attempt in 1986 in which five of his bodyguards were killed.

Finally it was time for the long-awaited 1988 plebiscite. In theory this was a rubberstamp vote on a new eight-year presidential term for Pinochet. But a Constitutional Tribunal bravely ruled that the plebiscite should be carried out as stipulated by the Law of Elections. This gave the opposition valuable media space and the President of the Democratic Alliance, Ricardo Lagos, called publicly for Pinochet to account for all the "disappeared" persons. Pinochet lost the plebiscite with 55% voting against him. The result was the beginning of the end for his regime. Pinochet saw that he had no chance of winning an open election and he resigned in 1990. Lagos was appointed president but Pinochet retained his role as the head of the army. He then swore himself in as senator-for-life which offered him immunity from any subsequent prosecution in Chile.

This immunity was put to the test in 1998. An ailing Pinochet travelled to the UK for medical treatment. While he was there, a Spanish judge put out a warrant for his arrest. The charges included 94 counts of torture of Spanish citizens, and one count of conspiracy to commit torture. The government of Chile vehemently opposed his arrest. Pinochet claimed immunity as a former head of state. The case made legal history in the UK going all the way to the House of Lords and making many international law precedents in the process. 16 months later, they decided that extradition could proceed. They decided that former heads of government are not immune from prosecution for crimes committed while in office. The court also affirmed that people accused of crimes such as torture can be prosecuted anywhere in the world But Jack Straw, then Home Secretary made the fateful decision to release him on medical grounds. He returned to Chile and resigned his senatorial seat in 2002, after a Supreme Court ruling that he suffered from "vascular dementia". The ruling was convenient – it meant he could not stand trial for human rights abuses.

Two years later, the Chilean Court of Appeals voted 14 to 9 to revoke Pinochet's dementia status and, consequently, his immunity from prosecution. The decision was confirmed by Chile’s Supreme Court in August this year. But his support at home never eroded until 2005, when undeclared bank accounts held in secret offshore bank accounts containing $US27 million were traced to him and members of his family. But his frail health ultimately came to his rescue. Pinochet died as he lived, untried. Human rights lawyer Hugo Gutierrez told the Chilean newspaper La Tercera Online: "What saddens me is that this criminal has died without having been sentenced and I believe the responsibility the state bears in this has to be considered".

Monday, September 11, 2006

The Other September 11

Today is the 33rd anniversary of the Chilean coup that brought military dictator Auguste Pinochet to power. On this day in 1973, a US backed armed uprising overthrew the regime of a democratically elected president. Salvador Allende Gossens was the first socialist to be elected president in South America and he was killed on the day of the coup. A march on the eve of the 33rd anniversary in Santiago ended in clouds of tear gas as police dispersed demonstrators throwing rocks and bottles at government buildings, including the presidential palace.

Allende was born in the port city of Valparaiso in 1908. He graduated in medicine from the University of Chile in Santiago in 1933. That same year he was a co-founder of the Chilean Socialist Party. Five years later, Pedro Aguirre Cerda led a Popular Front government to victory and Allende was appointed Minister for Health. After Cerda died in 1941, Allende returned to his parliamentary career and served as a senator throughout the 1940s and 1950s. In 1952, Allende made his first run for the presidency, finishing well back in fourth. The same year, he was suspended from his party because of his support for the outlawed Communist Party of Chile. He ran for president twice more and failed in 1958 and 1964.

Allende became a person of interest to the Americans after he established a friendship with Fidel Castro. The Nixon administration, newly elected in 1968, feared that US corporations active in Chile might be nationalised by a socialist government and so became openly hostile. Nixon acknowledged that he had given instructions to "do anything short of a Dominican-type action" to keep the democratically elected president of Chile from assuming office. Allende put his name forward for a fourth presidential election in September 1970. Although he only received 36% of the popular vote (down 3% from his 1964 figure), he was 1% ahead of his main rightist opponent. The closeness of the result sent the election to the National Congress for a vote. In the six weeks waiting for this vote to occur, the CIA supported the assassination of General René Schneider Chereau, the armed forces Commander-in-Chief. His murder influenced the congress which voted 153 to 35 in favour of Allende. He was declared president of Chile on 24 October.

In office, Allende pursued a leftist program and his government established diplomatic relations with Cuba. He also moved Chile closer to communist countries such as China, North Korea and North Vietnam. At home, the new regime began to nationalise various industries, several of which had significant U.S. business interests. This line of action quickly cost the president the support of Chile's business community. The Allende government announced it would default on debts owed to international creditors and foreign governments. Allende also froze all prices while raising salaries. By early 1972, United States was working seriously to destabilise the country. It supported the opposition and worked systematically to weaken Chile's economy. Chile’s chief export was copper and prices declined on the international market. As a result, the government began to lose control. In order to control a strike by shopkeepers and truck owners, Allende temporarily brought senior military officers into his cabinet. With inflation out of control and his country becoming polarized between the extreme left and the extreme right, Allende slowly lost his grip.

On 29 June 1973, Colonel Roberto Souper led El Tanquetazo (the tank putsch) against Allende’s government. But his tank-led coup was put down by forces loyal to the regime. But less than three months later it was all over. In August, Chile was lurching towards a constitutional crisis as the Supreme Court complained that Allende could not govern. Early in the morning of 11 September, sections of the Chilean navy seized the port city of Valparaiso, Allende’s home town. The President went to his La Moneda palace when he heard the news. He tried in vain to contact senior military officers and concluded they were all in on the coup. Allende made a radio address "Confirmed reports indicate that a sector of the Navy has rebelled and is occupying Valparaiso. Santiago is normal and [the soldiers are] in their barracks. I'm here defending the government that I represent by the will of the people. Be alert and vigilant...I wait for the soldiers of Chile to respond positively and defend the laws and the Constitution. Workers must go to their workplace and wait for new instructions.”

Then the military junta made its own radio broadcast which called for the immediate resignation of Allende. The broadcast was signed by most of Chile’s leading generals. They offered a plane to take Allende out of the country but he refused. Allende made one last desperate address to the nation by telephone to another radio station which commenced “This will surely be the last time I speak to you”. The military surrounded the presidential palace with tanks. The air force circled the building. Forces loyal to Allende inside the building opened fire and started a fierce gun battle. The jets opened fire on the palace and unleashed twenty minutes of rocket attacks that destroyed the building. The army invade the wrecked palace. Allende was with his supporters on the second floor and ordered them to leave. He committed suicide when alone. General Palacios arrived at the scene of the suicide with his soldiers and ordered them to block the entrance to the room where Allende lay, except to forensic personnel. He then sent the following brief message to the generals assembled at the Ministry of Defence: "Mission accomplished. Moneda taken. President dead."

Some 3,000 people died in this September 11. General Pinochet led the new government and the US moved quickly to support the legitimacy of the new regime. Declassified US government documents showed how in the months and years following the 1973 coup, Henry Kissinger covered up US information about atrocities in Chile and sought to persuade Pinochet that the US did not consider his behavior a major problem.