A meeting of minds: India - AU Summit

The first ever collaborative summit between India and the African Union (AU) has ended yesterday in New Delhi with a pledge to work as partners to address economic and development challenges. Both sides identified rising oil and food prices as top concerns. Tanzanian President and current chair of the 53 nation AU, Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete said high prices will hamper efforts around economic growth and reduction of poverty. Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh agreed and said both India and Africa needed to increase domestic food production. He promised to help Africa with technology to increase farm productivity.

There is much mutual interest at stake at the summit. Rising food and oil prices threaten many African economies and while India is dealing with a three-year high inflation rate of 7 per cent, which poses a serious difficulty for Singh's government as it contemplates national elections next year. India sees Africa as a cheap and bountiful resource supplier and will look to offer a carrot of easy export conditions, billions of dollars in lines of credit as well as investment of money and skills in low-cost industry and services.

Both sides have also agreed to back each other to gain a bigger role in the proposed expanded UN security council. India, Japan, Germany and Brazil have long been campaigning for several years for permanent seats on a body that remains fixed to the boundaries set for at the end of World War II. Now African countries also are eager to be permanently represented on the council. On Tuesday Singh recruited African support for his country’s push saying in return that India would support any country nominated by Africa for permanent membership. "No one understands better than India and Africa the need for global institutions to reflect current realities and to build a more equitable global economy and polity," he said.

The historic summit was greeted positively in the host country with Newstrack India saying it produced “new bonds of friendship” and laid the foundation for a deepening relationship between resource-rich Africa and Asia’s fast growing economic powerhouse. The relationship is closely following the successful model laid down by China. However Prime Minister Singh claimed India was not in competition with China for African influence. “We are not in any race or competition with China or any other country,” he said. “It is up to Africa to determine the path they wish to pursue and to the extent of what lies within our capacity, we will offer whatever help is required.”

Whatever the truth of that, there is little doubt that with one third of the world’s population between them, India’s evolving partnership with Africa will become a major factor of world influence in the next couple of decades. On the Monday prior to the two day summit, foreign Ministers from key African countries including Ghana, Nigeria, Senegal, Zambia, South Africa and Tanzania attended a closed-door meeting with their Indian counterpart to set the tone for the conference to follow.

Sources close to the meeting said the Africans and Indians agreed to co-operate in widely varied key areas including economic, trade, industry and investment, agriculture, finance, regional integration, politics, science, technology, research and development, ICT (Information & Communications Technologies), water and sanitation and poverty eradication to meet their challenges. At the summit itself, Manmohan Singh talked grandly of the desire to turn the 21st century into a "century of Asia and Africa".

India’s summit website reflected its leader’s optimism and discusses the “philosophy” of the forum in flowery language. It talked about the similarities of both sides including the struggles against colonialism and apartheid and the need to “jointly accept the challenges of a globalising world.” Their vision of the partnership saw the need to develop "a new paradigm of cooperation which will take into account Africa’s own aspirations for pan-African institutions and development programmes".

Meanwhile the official African objectives of the summit were more prosaic: strengthening co-operation, setting up frameworks to reinforce that co-operation and harnessing the resources of the continent’s Diaspora populations, Africa was represented at the summit by many of its most senior leaders. Tanzania’s Kikwete was just one of a swag of presidents in attendance including Ghana’s John Agyekum Kufuor, South Africa’s Thabo Mbeki, Uganda’s Yoweri Museveni, Algeria’s Abdelaziz Bouteflika, Kenya’s Mwai Kibaki, Senegal’s Abdoulaye Wade, and the DRC’s Joseph Kabila. They will all return to their home countries emboldened by a new direction in world affairs that owes nothing to their former western colonial masters.

Historic EU-Africa summit ends in Lisbon

The two day summit in Lisbon between EU and African leaders has ended in dispute over trade and human rights issues despite the two sides signing a “declaration” promoting free trade and democracy. Over 70 European and African heads of state gathered for the first inter-continental conference in seven years and produced an ambitious action plan covering issues as diverse as immigration and climate change.

The summit had the ambitious goal (pdf) of promoting a common agenda on political and economic issues, common positions on international conflict and promoting better representation of African interests in international institutions. The conference identified eight partnership opportunities in peace and security, governance, trade, developmental goals, energy, climate change, migration and science. But it was trade which proved to be the biggest hurdle.

The nub of the trade problem is the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) proposed to replace existing agreements due to expire at the end of the year. Anti-poverty groups have criticised EPAs for failing to provide protection for Africa's poor farmers and its fragile industry. ACP countries are unlikely to gain better access to the European market but will see their local industries put under severe strain by competition from cheap and subsidised European imports. The European Commission's own impact assessment notes that, ‘EPAs could lead to the collapse of the manufacturing sector in West Africa’. The EU threatened to withdraw African tariff-free access to European markets under rules laid down by the World Trade Organization if they didn’t agree to the EPAs. Nonetheless President Abdoulaye Wade of Senegal was emphatic. “We are not talking any more about EPAs, we've rejected them,” he said.

A total of six EPAs were being negotiated, on a regional basis, with groups of countries in West Africa, Central Africa, Eastern and Southern Africa, the Southern African Development Community, the Caribbean and the Pacific. As well as tariff issues, Africa is not happy with the EU's insistence on tying aid and investment to improvements in democracy and human rights. Africa's negotiating position has been strengthened by its growing relations with China and the loans they offer on a ‘no conditions’ basis.

The EU remains Africa's largest commercial partner, with trade total more than $315 billion in 2006. But EU officials and businessmen fear growing Chinese investment in Africa. Beijing held a summit for 45 African leaders last year to celebrate a tenfold increase in China’s trade with Africa. While China has massively increased its investments in Africa, it conveniently does not comment on issues such as democracy and human rights. As the Times states: “[China does] not threaten to arrest their ministers and haul them before the International Criminal Court for war crimes. They do not hector Mugabe or demand that [Sudan's president] Bashir accept UN troops. They just want to buy oil.”

The main focus for Human rights issues in the EU Summit centred around the appearance of Zimbabwean president Robert Mugabe. British PM Gordon Brown had stayed away from the conference in protest at Mugabe’s presence. After being criticised by German chancellor Angela Merkel who was backed up by the Netherlands, Denmark and Sweden, Mugabe denounced European critics of his government as being ill-informed stooges of Britain, the former colonial power in Zimbabwe. Mugabe retains the support of his fellow African leaders. In a closed session, he called his European critics "Gordon's gang of four” but otherwise kept a low profile at the conference refusing to speak to the media.

Away from human rights, there was progress on climate change, which is among the most serious threats to African stability in the next few years. The threat takes the form of floods and droughts and their effects on food security and water management. One ambitious project discussed at the summit involved establishing a "green wall" around the Sahara desert to push back desertification. That would take the form of large dams, water collection areas and tree-planting.

Immigration is another highly contentious area with the EU committed to the “blue card” plan aimed at attracting highly skilled workers to replace its own rapidly ageing work force. However that is unlikely to resolve the biggest issue between the EU and Africa: the wave of illegal immigration. Spanish PM Jose Luiz Zapatero said Europe and Africa had to work together to boost education, employment and infrastructure in Africa to stop the flow of illegal immigrants. Spain is the worst affected country with 31,000 arriving across the straits each year. Zapatero said the problem “produces citizens that are vulnerable to human trafficking, abuse and without any rights in the countries of destination." Libyan president Gaddafy said this was a problem of Europe’s making. "Either you give us back our resources or you invite us in your countries,” he said.

The conference also re-iterated the Cotonou Agreement with sub-Saharan Africa, despite the EU desire to replace it with the EPAs,. Signed in Cotonou, Benin in 2000, the agreement outlined five pillars in the fight against global poverty: an enhanced political dimension, increased participation, a more strategic approach to cooperation focusing on poverty reduction, new economic and trade partnerships and improved financial cooperation.

Despite the many disagreements, hosts Portugal was upbeat about the impact of the summit. The event was the top priority of Portugal’s six-month presidency of the EU, and they spent €10m staging the two-day event. José Sócrates, the Portuguese prime minister said optimistically the conference would help dispel colonial guilt and resentment, and would lay the foundation for a new relationship between the EU and Africa. Although Portugal’s colonial record in Mozambique and Angola was appalling, the Portuguese Prime Minister was keen to stress his country’s long-standing involvement in African affairs. “It was from Lisbon that Europe first came to know Africa,” said Sócrates. “Now in the same city the two continents are renewing their relationship.”

Somaliland requests international recognition

Somaliland has sent a formal request to the African Union asking to be recognised as an independent state. Somaliland is a former British colony with a population of 3.5 million which broke away from Somalia in 1991. No country yet formally recognises the de facto nation although several keep an unofficial diplomatic presence in Somaliland's capital Hargeisa.

Somaliland unilaterally declared independence four months after the overthrow of former Somali dictator Mohamed Siad Barre. Since then Somaliland has enjoyed relative security and prosperity compared to the anarchy that has descended on the rest of Somalia. There are no gunmen, roadblocks and bombed-out buildings on the streets of Hargeisa. The breakaway republic also has its own constitution and has held successful democratic elections. The state is mostly peaceful, though there were border clashes last month with troops from neighbouring Puntland, another semi-autonomous Somali region.

Earlier this month Somaliland President Dahir Rayale Kahin ruled out reuniting with Somalia and also cast doubt over the interim government's claim of victory in Mogadishu. He also warned Somali President Abdullahi Yusuf against any belligerent moves against Somaliland. "Abdullahi Yusuf cannot come here. It is a day dream that Abdullahi Yusuf is coming and that he will govern Hargeisa." He said.

Kahin has been pressing other African leaders to recognise his country. Kahin is also encouraged by Sweden’s move in March to treat Somaliland as a self-governing area. The Swedish government stated that "Somaliland which takes politically a unique position shall be treated for the first time as a self-governing area”. While the statement stops short of formal recognition, it is a huge step forward with Sweden’s plan likely to have the backing of the EU.

Somaliland has a long and distinct history apart from Somalia. It was dominated by Egypt in the 19th century until British soldiers came across the Gulf from Aden to establish their rule. They founded the protectorate of British Somaliland in 1887. Britain showed little interest in its new African possession. They called its then-capital Berbera "Aden's butcher's shop". It supplied the meat to the strategic British garrison across the gulf.

Britain granted independence to the colony on 26 June 1960 and Somaliland was immediately recognised by 35 countries. Its independence lasted five days. At the same time, Italy granted independence to Italian Somaliland. Under the guidance of the exiting colonisers, the two governments in Hargeisa and Mogadishu agreed on a plan of unity on the basis that Somalis are the same people, speak the same language and have a common religion. They came together as the Republic of Somalia effective 1 July 1960 with a referendum in both parts to ratify the new Republic’s constitution within a year. But most people in the north boycotted the referendum. The seeds for an independent Somaliland were sown.

Mohammed Siad Barre swept to power in a 1969 coup. His rule rekindled discontent in Somaliland which formed a resistance movement against him. By 1988 the two sides of Somalia were locked in civil war which resulted in more than 20,000 killed and the eventually overthrow of Barre. The Somali National Movement (SNM) met to declare independence for Somaliland and named Abdirahman Ahmed Ali "Tur" as interim president for two years. Mohammed Ibrahim Egal was elected President of the Republic of Somaliland in 1993 a position he held until 2001. A referendum in that year saw 97 per cent vote in favour of full independence.

On 18 May 2007 Somaliland will mark 16 years since it proclaimed independence from Somalia. Although no country recognises its sovereignty, its long-term ability to function as a constitutional democracy distinguishes it from the majority of entities with secessionist claims, and a small but growing number of governments in Africa and the West have shown sympathy for its cause. It satisfies all the criteria for independence. But they remain stymied by an African domino theory. The African Union holds the principle: "respect of borders existing on achievement of independence." The AU is reluctant to recognise independence, no matter how justified, for fear that it would increase pressure by other groups in Africa to support changes in their inherited borders. Somaliland remains trapped in Africa's colonial history.

Days are numbered for NEPAD

A summit of 15 African leaders in Algeria has given New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) a year to integrate into the African Union. Nigerian President and outgoing head of NEPAD implementation Olusegun Obasanjo said the transition period will last until June 2008 at which time NEPAD will merge into the AU. Many of NEPAD’s functions overlap with the AU and supporters hope the new merged entity will bring the get the most from the synthesis of two organisations.

NEPAD itself is a merger. It brings together two economic regeneration plans; South Africa’s Millennium Partnership for the African Recovery Programme (MAP) and Senegal’s OMEGA plan for Africa. These plans attacked infrastructure, education, health and agriculture issues for the continent. The idea arose from the general feeling that Africa was not matching the growth experienced by developing countries in Asia. And so NEPAD was launched in 2001 in Abuja, Nigeria, one year before the AU as a “Vision and Strategic Framework for Africa’s renewal”.

At the Abuja meeting, the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), the precursor to the AU, gave a mandate to five initiating Heads of State (Algeria, Egypt, Nigeria, Senegal, South Africa) to produce a NEPAD strategic framework document designed to combat escalating poverty levels, underdevelopment and Africa’s continued marginalisation on the world stage. Its primary objectives were to eradicate poverty, promote sustainable growth, integrate Africa into the global economy and promote empowerment for women.

However these grand ambitions have never quite been matched by the reality. Critics claimed that NEPAD was spending an enormous amount of time and money on conferences but had achieved few tangible results. Infrastructure projects were stalled or never started. Its problems included the implementation committee failing to clearly assign responsibility or demand performance, and the Secretariat not following an effective operating plan. Wiseman Nkuhlu, head of the Nepad Secretariat, countered that Nepad was failing because member countries were not implementing actions or taking ownership.

In the meantime its hegemony as the leading economic organisation for Africa was short-lived. In 2002 the OAU re-organised itself on the European model and rebadged itself as the African Union. While the OAU had set its purpose to rid Africa of colonialism and safeguard sovereignty, the AU’s goals were the accelerated socio-economic integration of the continent, safeguard the rights of women and children and promote peace, security and stability. Some of these goals overlapped with Nepad.

Thabo Mbeki is the leader most closely associated with Nepad. Mbeki formulated a concept of what he called African Renaissance which is a key driver of Nepad. Speaking in 2002 he said: "The challenge to end the economic marginalisation of Africa, and therefore to attract the necessary resources into our continent to ensure its development, stands at the heart both of the vision of an African Renaissance and Nepad.

Through this vision, Mbeki has helped negotiate peace deals to end the civil wars in Congo, Burundi, and Liberia. But his stony silence over Mugabe’s continued misrule in Zimbabwe is deafening. South Africa now holds the rotating presidency of the United Nations Security Council. Zimbabwe's economy is highly dependent on fuel and aid from Pretoria, but neither Mbeki nor many other African leaders have spoken out against him.

This failure has raised serious questions as to the credibility of Nepad. Its claim to support “a democratic Africa will become one of the pillars of world democracy, human rights and tolerance” looks completely hypocritical in the light of its inaction over Zimbabwe.

Its sublimation into the AU offers African leaders a way out of its charter it has no intention of meeting. Algeria’s President Abdelaziz Bouteflika was aware of this when he bemoaned the "unhonoured pledges" of Africa's partners in the implementation of NEPAD projects. The merger recommendations of the Algiers meeting will be submitted to the next African Union (AU) Summit scheduled to take place in Accra, capital of Ghana. The NEPAD Secretariat will continue to headquarter in Midrand, Johannesburg but will take direction from the AU Commission sits in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.